The aim of this paper is to sketch an overview of Comparative Politics and discuss the major analytical and conceptual systems under which comparativists conduct their research. It presents some of the basic problems one has to face in attempting to understand evolution of key overarching generalized dichotomies established by problem-solving and critical Comparative Politics (developed-developing and North-South).
Russia-China relations are a major focus of studies in international relations, yet few studies have thus far addressed perceptions of China among the Russian population, and perceptions of Russia among the Chinese population. This study seeks to contribute to closing this gap by focusing on country perceptions among college-age millennials. We focus on those who are involved in studies of Russia in the case of Chinese students, and studies of China in the case of Russian students; among them we have selected students who have had study abroad experience in the other country. Our findings are based on an analysis of 150 in-depth qualitative narrative interviews conducted with Chinese students and Russian students (75 with each group). We show that ethnocentric stereotypes prevail and each group engages in cultural ‘othering,’ that students from both countries perceive Russian President Vladimir Putin to be a central determining factor in shaping Russia-China relations.
The article is devoted to the phenomenon of hybrid political space of post-Soviet Armenia, combining institutions of the nation state and the imperial practices. In the article, the author ana-lyzes the experience of building a modern state in Armenia on the basis of security concerns and as an actor in international politics. In this context the hybrid political space, allow to face foreign and domestic challenges. However, such a hybrid system leads to the erosion of state and the ex-pansion of traditional (pre-modern) practices.
The article analyzes the influence of motivation of public officials on their corrupt behavior. In the framework of normative-value conceptualization corruption is considered as anti-social, autodestructive deviant behavior. The represented two-dimensional curve of motivation consists of two segments. The first, “thirst for recognition” segment consists of pro-social, positive and altruistic motives, and the second, “greed” segment consists of negative and selfish motives. This article shows that motivation, especially with external locus of control has a decisive influence on corrupt behavior as means of the goals achievement. Particularly, it directly allows public officials to use “aim justifies the means” principle, or indirectly predetermine the very aim of their actions.
The article is dedicated to analysis and comparison of arrangement and socio-political function of democratic and republican parties of the USA. The main stress is made on ideological vectors of both parties and also on the role of geographical position and interests of the USA population which influence forming of the political platforms of the parties. The main goal of the article is to demonstrate the growth of polarization of American society closely associated with the growth of parties' emphasis on target audience and differences in financial policy.
In this article the author attempts to distinguish the concept of the integration-consciousness in the modern processes of supranational integration. The relevance of this concept, as an integral part of a broader scientific category of the foreign policy-consciousness, is due to the growing role of ideology in integration processes. In article has done a comparative analysis of the ideological components of the two integration systems — the EU and the EEU. It is noted that in Europe and in Russia the influence of the integration on the sociocultural and foreign policy attitudes of citizens is constantly growing. At the same time, in the situation of the so-called “Cold War 2.0”, the perception of integration processes at the level of ideological discourses is becoming increasingly massive and populist. The author comes to the conclusion that the concept of the integration-consciousness has a significant impact on the dynamics of the modern integration processes. One of the main author’s finding is that for Russia within the framework of the EEU the integration-consciousness might play an important role in the much needed geographical diversification of the integration strategy.
Separatism in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of People’s Republic of China is a very complex, multifaceted, multidimensional, multifactorial and, at the same time, little-studied problem. This article is devoted to the consideration of the religious factor as one of the factors along with a number of others provoking political instability in the Xinjiang.
Given the heterogeneity of Xinjiang, an analysis was conducted of the various zones in the region, which have their own specific characteristics. So, the author came to the conclusion that it is the religious factor that is most pronounced in the Western and Southern zones. Radically-minded separatists, who use elements of the Wahhabi ideology in their political programs, have a fairly serious weight here. And the speeches in these parts of Xinjiang come from the Ferghana Valley. And in this region, anti-Chinese actions, unlike the population of Urumqi and Kuldja, often occur with the slogans of Islamic liberation.
Regarding the political and legal situation of Muslims in Xinjiang, although freedom of religion is guaranteed at the official level, in practice, such legislative acts define narrow legal boundaries for religious activities, and they allow state bodies to strictly control and interfere in the sphere of religious relations. Nevertheless, there are not any additional requirements for professing Islam, the state also pays enough attention to the protection of Muslim cultural monuments, which are in large numbers in the Xinjiang.
The article is dedicated to critically important informational and ideological aspects of Russia's foreign policy. The goal is to revise and specify the notion soft power in the context of rapidly changing space of global politics. During the last years international isolation of Russia, including informational and ideological sphere is increasing. The way to overcome this negative trend is modernization of foreign policy strategy on the basis of updating of operational tools and ideological accents. It's becoming obvious that the real foreign policy success in the global world system is achieved by the use of soft power. The author tries to specify and conceptualize the phenomenon of Russia's soft power as a purposeful external ideology facing the urgent need of updating.
The article explores the question how the European political mainstream responds to the challenges of right-wing populism and what effects it brings to the resilience of the political system. The empirical material for the article is the British case. Focusing on the internal dimension of the concept of resilience, we use the classification of the mainstream strategic responses developed by W. Downs and the analytical tools of historical institutionalism to investigate the mainstream strategic responses (Conservative and Labor) to the challenges of right-wing populism (United Kingdom Independence Party, UKIP) in UK. As a result of the research, it was concluded that the political mainstream is moving from ignoring strategies to mixed strategies, in this case, cooptation of UKIP’s program with elements of political and institutional isolation. Such strategies are effective from an electoral point of view, but at the same time they carry “unintended consequences” for the resilience of the whole political system.