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Of all publications in the section: 5
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Article
Pichugina V., Mettini E., Volkova Y. Hypothekai. 2021. No. 5. P. 191-213.

The heritage of the ancient Roman politician, orator and thinker Marcus Tullius Cicero (106 BC – 43 BC), is considered as a set of texts that over centuries have been included in the curricula for humanities students, significantly changing the narrative tradition and detecting a way of understanding what is related to humanities. The key questions for the authors is the following: how and for what purposes was Cicero’s heritage presented to humanities students in educational texts in the first two decades of the 20th and 21st centuries? At the beginning of last century, scholars’ attention to Cicero was largely due to Augustus Samuel Wilkins (1843–1905), Paul Monroe (1869–1947) and his disciple Ellwood Cubberley (1868-1941). Many textbooks compiled by P. Monroe, A.S. Wilkins and E. Cubberley were published one after another. Thanks to the educational books of P. Monroe, A.S. Wilkins and E. Cubberley, different approaches to presenting Cicero's works for educational purposes were developed. It is these approaches that were reflected in educational books for humanists a century later. In Russian textbooks, sourcebooks, and anthologies on history of pedagogy, Cicero was mostly a figure of omission not only in the first decades, but throughout the entire 20th century. At the beginning of the 21st century, many learning books for humanities students appeared. Their authors and compilers consider Cicero as an author who left a conceptual description of pedagogical reality (a detailed description of educational process) and chose a narrative description (description of what happened through the eyes of those who take part in it). We have to regret that the Russian domestic tradition of including Cicero's heritage in the content of humanitarian education has hardly undergone any changes over a century: fragments of his works continue to be presented on a small scale, are practically not grouped according to key issues, and rarely accompanied by pedagogical commentaries. The question of why some texts were selected while others were not, can be asked to every author and compiler who included Cicero's texts in their books for humanities students. The search for answers to this “eternal question” can be associated both with the flexibility of the humanitarian curriculum, and with the personal preferences of the authors and compilers of learning books.

Added: Sep 10, 2021
Article
Mozhaysky A. Hypothekai. 2020. No. 4. P. 171-206.

The article examines the monuments of Thebes mentioned by Pausanias and related to the story of Seven against Thebes. It is claimed that these monuments were a part of the local educational practice, which reflected the Theban mythical history and fostered patriotism. Most of the monuments were located near the gates of the Kadmeia (at a distance of up to 260 m) and formed a close circle of monuments. In some cases, the monuments formed a far circle (at a distance of 300 to 500–960 m from the gates). The first of the monuments considered is the monument associated with Amphiaraos. Regarding the place where the earth swallowed Amphiaraos, there exist two traditions, namely the “Theban” and the “Tanagrian” ones. It is hypothesized that the “Tanagrian” tradition was adapted by the residents of Oropos and, thus, reflected in Euripides’ tragedy The Phoenician Women. The educational topography of Pausanias shows that the “Theban” version is consistent with the text of Aischylos’ tragedy Seven against Thebes, while the “Tanagrian” version is consistent with the text of The Phoenician Women by Euripides. The location of the tombs of Melanippos and Tydeus near the Proitides gates also corresponds to the tradition captured by Aischylos, which presumably reflects the local, or “Theban”, version of the myth. Through Pausanias’ educational topography, the connection of the figure of Kapaneus with the Elektrai Gates and the walls of Thebes is emphasized, which is confirmed by the evidence of material culture. As a possible grave of Oidipous’ children, the largest of the chamber tombs on the hill of Megalo Kastelli is considered. A large number of monuments associated with the story of Seven against Thebes symbolized military valour and glorified Thebes in their victory over the Argives. Some of the monuments possess ambiguous symbolism, among which are the tomb of Menoikeus and the place of the duel between the sons of Oidipous. The article is equipped with a map reconstructing the probable location of the monuments, including various versions of their localization, as well as illustrations with the images on the objects of material culture associated with the War of the Seven.

Added: Oct 4, 2020
Article
Pichugina V. Hypothekai. 2020. No. 4. P. 121-170.

The article analyzes the descriptions of warriors in Aeschylus’s tragedy Seven against Thebes that are given in the “shield scene” and determines the pedagogical dimension of this tragedy. Aeschylus pays special attention to the decoration of the shields of the com-manders who attacked Thebes, relying on two different ways of dec-orating the shields that Homer describes in TheIliad. According to George Henry Chase’s terminology, in Homer, Achilles’ shield can be called “a decorative” shield, and Agamemnon’s shield is referred to as “a terrible” shield. Aeschylus turns the description of the shield decoration of the commanders attacking Thebes into a core element of the plot in SevenagainstThebes, maximizing the connection be-tween the image on the shield and the shield-bearer. He created an elaborate system of “terrible” and “decorative” shields (Aesch. Sept.375-676), as well as of the shields that cannot be categorized as “ter-rible” and “decorative” (Aesch. Sept. 19; 43; 91; 100; 160). The analysis of this system made it possible to put forward and prove three hypothetical assumptions: 1) In Aeschylus, Eteocles demands from the Thebans to win or die, focusing on the fact that the city cre-ated a special educational space for them and raised them as shield-bearers. His patriotic speeches and, later, his judgments expressed in the “shield scene” demonstrate a desire to justify and then test the educational concept “ἢτὰνἢἐπὶτᾶς” (“either with it, or upon it”) (Plut. Lacae. 241f.10); 2) Aeschylus turns the description of the dec-oration of the “decorative” or “terrible” shields into a core element of the plot. The decorated shields of all the attackers on Thebes de-scribed in the “shield scene” form a kind of single “mixed” shield, similar in complexity to the decoration on Achilles’ shield, which in-cludes elements of intimidation, as it was on Agamemnon’s shield; 3) Eteocles wants to establish himself as the king-mentor for the peo-ple, which will most clearly appear in the “shield scene”, where he solves a series of military riddles. These riddles require him to cor-rectly decipher what is depicted on the decorative or terrible shields of each of the attackers. Aeschylus uses the shield as pedagogical tool in the tragedy SevenagainstThebes, to which Euripides and Sta-tius will later offer their alternatives by referring to the decoration of the shields of the leaders who attacked Thebes.

Added: Jul 23, 2021
Article
Можайский А. Ю. Hypothekai. 2019. № 3. С. 250-277.

The article describes Thebes as a major regional center of Christianity in 4th-6th centuries. In addition to “industrial” success, when the city successfully developed as a center for the production of early Christian mosaics and silk, Thebes was a center of intellectual and educational activity which was carried out mainly inside church territories. S. Symeonoglou’s catalogue of archaeological excavations and recent archaeological reports, which reflect archaeological research under the guidance of V. Aravantinos and with the participation of the author of this article, suggest the possible locations of the churches on the Kadmeia, the acropolis of Thebes. The evidence for the possible locations of one of the basilicas (sites 18 and 40 in Symeonoglou’s catalogue) is a rectangular mosaic. Similar mosaics were found in site 88 of the catalogue, where a large building, which could have been a church, was supposedly located. The early Christian sacred places could also have been located in sites 218, 270, 32, 266 and 270 of the catalogue. However, at the moment there is only one most precisely localized place where the early Christian basilica was located - on the site of the central Mycenaean palace complex on the south side of Antigone street (Antigonis 27-29). Not only scattered architectural stone fragments of the basilica, a few of its walls as well as sections of the floor, but also a fountain with a mosaic floor dating back to the 4th century BC, were found here. The floor decorations are associated with marine motives and include bird images which could symbolize not only the feast, but also the communion. We assume that all this was the residence of the Bishop of Thebes. Another discovered mosaic contained an inscription saying that a teacher of theology, an intellectual from the clerical order, ordered it. In total, we have identified and described ten sites for possible educational and intellectual activity in Christian Thebes. The main ones are the above-mentioned remains of religious buildings with the mosaics on which classical themes adapted to Christian symbolism.

Added: Oct 27, 2020
Article
Можайский А. Ю. Hypothekai. 2021. № 5. С. 172-190.

The article examines the didactical component of Pindar’s Pythian 8, which includes the Theban mythohistorical line — the plot of “Seven against Thebes” and the Epigoni’s march on Thebes. In this ode, Pindar instructs Aeginet Aristomenes, the winner of the Pythian Games, through Amphiaraus’ prophecy. Glorifying Aristomenes, Pindar instructs him not to become proud beyond measure, not to overstep the bounds, because Hesychia can destroy anyone who lets “merciless malice” into his heart, as it happened with Adrastus and his son. At the same time, Pindar compares Aristomenes with the hero Alcmaeon, the son of Amphiaraus, emphasizing that the glorious blood of their fathers flows in the veins of both. This interpretation of the fragment from Pind. Pyth. 8.56- 60 differs from the traditional one since here Pindar meets not Alcmaeon, but Amphiaraus, receiving a prophecy from the latter. It is Amphiaraus who is called Pindar’s "neighbor" and the “guardian” of the Thebans’ possessions. In our opinion, Amphiaraus appears to Pindar in Delphi or on the way to Delphi. This interpretation is based on a comparison of Pindar’s text with a fragment from Herodotus (Hdt. 8.134.1-2), as well as on paleotopographic, archaeological and epigraphic studies. Considering that there is no information about the cult of Alcmaeon in Thebes and in Aegina at the moment, it seems likely that Pindar implies his meeting with Amphiaraus, whose sanctuary was located, according to a number of scholars, including the author of the article, near Thebes. However, according to Herodotus who stated that the Thebans could not inquire the oracle of Amphiaraus in this sanctuary, and also on the basis of the possible location of this sanctuary off the road to Delphi, it is suggested that Amphiaraus appeared to Pindar not at Amphiareum.

Added: Sep 10, 2021