The paper is focuses on Andrey Platonov's screenplays and on screen versions of his prose. Platonov wrote both for silent cinema and for talkies. The thesis statement of the manuscript is that silent cinema aesthetics is closer to Platonov's sophisticated style. The most successful screenversions are strongly connected with it.
Russlands Führung steht im Jahr 2017 vor einer Herausforderung: Sie muss Erinnerung an die Oktoberrevolution in ein Geschichtsbild verpacken, das Revolutionen als solche ablehnt. Ihre zentrale Botschaft lautet: Versöhnung. Doch es geht nicht um den Bürgerkrieg 1917–1920. Die Vergangenheit ist nur vorgeschoben. Es geht darum, jede Form von Kritik am heutigen Regime als Bedrohung des gesellschaftlichen Friedens zu diffamieren und mit dem Stigma zerstörerischer revolutionärer Tätigkeit zu belegen. Die Oktoberrevolution soll vergessen werden, an ihre Stelle ein nationalpatriotisches Gedenken an jene Ordnung durchgesetzt werden, die im Oktober 1917 gestürzt wurde.
In this day, the antisemitic topos of "Judeo-Bolshevism" haunts political arguments. Paradoxically, after the October Revolution, mostly Jewish voices expressed shock of the rise of Jews in the Soviet apparatus. That there did in fact exist a kind of elective affinity between Jews and the new state in the first years after the revolution does not go back to ideology, as is often implied. The social structure was decisive: The Bolsheviks needed officials who were literate, and the Jews had to see to their livelihood between 1918 and 1921, when private enterprise was outlawed. It is also wrong to say the share of Jews in the secret police was especially high in these years, and that the Jewish contingent exacted revenge on its former tormenters. The statistics on perpertrators and victims take the wind of such assertions.
Starting in 1827, Russia’s Jews were subject to general conscription. In the army, however, they were not welcome. Jews were considered unreliable and only limitedly combat worthy. With the start of the First World War, this prejudice became all the more evident. Numerous Jewish soldiers were executed as suspected saboteurs or spies. Many Jews nonetheless linked associated wartime deployment with hopes for an improvement in their social standing. However, the patriotic enthusiasm that had also embraced Jewish circles at the start of the war soon collapsed again. The officer’s career path and certain decorations continued to be denied to Jews, no matter how courageously they might have fought. This changed only after the October Revolution. During the Civil War, many leading positions in the Red Army were occupied by Jews who had been soldiers in the tsarist army.
The author scrutinizes visual images of emeny and images of heroes created by Russian artists during the 1812 war. The research objects are colloqual metaphors, figures of speech, proverbs and ethnic stereotypes. Such approach allows to reveal new cognitive notions and trends of national imagionations.
Unlike democracies, autocracies can be stable only if they satisfy the population's material expectations. To that end, they need effective state institutions. This confronts an autocratic ruler with a dilemma: such institutions endanger the nontransparent distribution of resources to the powerful elites, who support the regime. Therefore, autocracies are also extremely vulnerable to upheavals in the global economy. In crisis situations, they can respond by partially opening the regime to larger circles of elites. If they try to preserve the status quo, they risk stagnation and decay or an open dictatorship.
This article discusses recent trends in the historiography of the Russian revolution. Focusing on scholarly works on the revolution published within past 5-7 years, it analyzes the attempts to integrate the revolution in the history of the European crisis triggered by the First World War. At the same time, it is argued that besides its analysis within the European and global contexts, the Russian revolution is studied extensively within the framework of provincial studies. The article discusses the reasons and aspects of this globalization and simultaneous regionalization of the recent historiography of the Russian revolution.
The fight against corruption enjoys worldwide attention. But how do you measure corruption? Many social scientists rely on quantitative methods. But these have a weakness. They are blind to the particular social and local context in which people use informal practices. Also, not every informal action is corruption. In order to be able to precisely determine the boundaries and to grasp forms and causes of corruption, corruption research should make more use of qualitative methods and approaches of ethnography.
Ownership rights in Russia have not been secured since the authoritarian regime in the country brought the judicial system under its control. Entrepreneurs have developed various strategies in order to avoid losing their property. During the 1990s, they voiced their interests through business associations, whereas during the 2000s, they sought protection through international commercial and arbitration courts. In recent years, the growing self-isolation of the country - exacerbated by Western sanctions - has made it increasingly difficult to pursue this avenue. Manifestations of loyalty and gestures of submission are now almost the only option left available.
Eine politische Ordnung gilt als legitim, wenn die Burger sie anerkennen und bereit sind, den Entscheidungen der Herrschenden Folge zu leisten. Diese Bereitschaft wird gewohnlich als Ergebnus einer bewussten und freien Entscheidung verstanden. Dies ist keineswegs immer so. Sie kahn auch auf Gewakt, Zwang oder Terror beruhen. Autoritare Ordungen bedienen sich heute anderer Methoden. Machpraktiken wie Beeinflussung, Imitation und Manipulation sowie die Verfugungsgewalt der Herrschenden uber die zentralen Apparate zur Reproduktion inrer Hegemonoe wie das Bildungssystem, die Medien oder die Armee spielen eine zentrale Rolle, um Legititat zu erzielen.
The Archangelsk Governorate was only a fraction of the European front during the First World War. But this ostensibly marginal region is representative for Russia. Neither the year 1917 nor the year 1918 represented a turning point. The First World War, the Revolution, and the Civil War were so tightly interwoven that contemporaries saw these periods as one continuum. Practices from the World War were transferred to the Civil War, military force turned into paramilitary violence, and veterans returning from the front waged various overlapping conflicts.
The nature of transforming legitimacy of Russia's modern political regime is analyzed with the emphasis on the changing balance between its three major major dimensions by Max Weber
The author represented Stalinism as a model of social constructivism, analyzed basic features of this type of dictatorship. New trends in Russian and international historiography of the problem are under consideration.
In Russia’s cultural memory, the idea that Napoleon’s forces were crushed in a war with Russian people is widespread. Leo Tolstoy popularized this concept of a “people’s war”. Stalinist court historians refined this concept with Marxist notions. To this day, this concept to sources and ideology. A reassessment is still pending.
St. Petersburg is home to the discussion club Polit-Gramota. The club sees itself as an alternative public space that offers young people the opportunity to discuss politics and society freely. At the same time, they acquire the skills needed for a career in journalism, civil society, and politics. Even at the height of the political polarisation that accompanied the mass protests against election fraudin the winter of 2011-12, Polit-Gramota was able to maintain its neutrality and guarantee pluralism. This protects free spaces for expression in an authoritarian state and lets young people, who are ignored in mainstream politics, be heard.
Pensions play a key role for the social situation in Russia. Directly or indirectly, half of all households draw pension payments. Moreover, pensions were increased significantly in recent years. At the same time, the pension system is in a precarious situation.
There are major shortfalls every year, which must be offset by subsidies from the state budget. This makes society dependent on the state and the pension system as a whole vulnerable to fluctuations in the budget, which for its part depends on the highly volatile oil prices on international commodity markets. For Russia, the creation of a selfsustaining system of social security is therefore a key modernisation project.