This article discusses the literary topos of Antioch as the holy city, ‘equal to Jerusa-lem’. Looking at evidence from martyr passions and encomia created in Egypt be-tween the 7th and the 9th centuries, one sees that a great number of martyrs venerated by the Coptic Church are said to have had a connection with Antioch. They were ei-ther born there or were brought to Antioch for trial; moreover, Antiochene connec-tions might be inserted into the stories of saints whose tradition originally had noth-ing to do with Antioch. Antioch is also firmly connected with the two emperors, Dio-cletian and Constantine, who played a vital role in the formation of the identity of the Church of the Martyrs. The article discusses historical evidence of the links between the two miaphysite communities of Alexandria and Antioch and the reasons that compelled Coptic hagiographers to re-imagine Antioch as the birthplace of popular martyrs and the place of their glorious death.
The article deals with the Messalian movement and its infl uence on three confl icts in the Greek Christian milieu of the IV–V centuries AD. The fi rst confl ict took place in Cappadocia where imperial politics in Church matters put bishop Basil in opposition to his old friend ascetic Eustathios of Sebaste. Both advocated a special type of asceticism close to the ‘Messalian’ one. The ascetics thus nicknamed appeared by the same time in Cappadocia but in the relations of the two churchmen there was no discussion of the ‘Messalian heresy’ and Basil’s type of monastic life was rather ‘Messalian’. The second confl ict arose around John Chrysostom whose background was defi nitely Syriac. His asceticism developed under the guidance of a Syrian monk Julian Sabba, who was at the same time the teacher of Adelphius, the presumed founder of the ‘heresy’. The antipathy towards the archbishop in the capital was partly due to his unusual asceticism of the same ‘Messalian’ type. For the third confl ict around Alexander the Akoiemetos in Constantinople an important testimony is the mention of an unnamed heresy in the Dialogue by deacon Palladius. Tillemont has noted once that the heresy should be clearly the ‘Messalianism’ and there is a proof of it in the treatise by Nilus of Ancyra ‘Ad Magnam’. The main charge against John, Alexander and Adelphius was irregular ascetic behaviour. The analysis of two main lists of the heretical opinions (by Epiphanius and by Theodoretus) shows that none of these was shared by the accused. Thus the opinion of Kmosko, Fitschen and Caner about the falsifi ed nature of the accusation against ‘Messalians’ gets confi rmed. The real cause of the appearance of the ‘Messalian heresy’ lies in the cultural and behavioral confl ict of the two approaches to asceticism: Greek and Syriac.
Review of: The Books of Maccabees. Translation from Ancient Greek, Introduction, and Commentaries by Nina V. Braginskaya, Andrey N. Koval’, Anna I. Shmaina-Velikanova. Ed. by Nina V. Braginskaya; in Russian]. Jerusalem–Moscow: Gesharim–Mosty Kul’tury, 2014. 632 p.
Review [in English] of Книги Маккавеев. Пер., введение и комментарии Н. В. Брагинской, А. Н. Коваля, А. И. Шмаиной-Великановой. Под общей ред. Н. В. Брагинской. [The Books of Maccabees. Translation from Ancient Greek, Introduction, and Commentaries by Nina V. Braginskaya, Andrey N. Koval’, Anna I. Shmaina-Velikanova. Ed. by Nina V. Braginskaya; in Russian]. Jerusalem–Moscow: Gesharim–Mosty Kul’tury, 2014. 632 p.
A character of mutual relations between two types of narration - in ancient Greek poetry and iconography of archaic period -- is the issue of the paper
The article is devoted to the analysis of the views of Valerius Maximus (first half of the first century AD), the author of a collection of moralizing stories, Factorum et dictorum memorabilium libri novem. Valerius Maximus’ work belongs to the time of transition from the Republic to the Empire. The main idea of his work is to praise Roman traditional values related to the Republic. Approximately three out of every five stories in his work refer to the epoch before the Gracchi, when the crisis of the Republic started. He does not indulge in edification, rather, in his work there can be seen a timeless admiration for Valour and condemnation of Vice, the contrast with contemporaneity being implicit. At the same time, he praises the modern life attributing its benefits to the ruling Emperor. Having no access to power and its privileges he might have been quite sincere in his admiration for the Emperor. It was not only due to the tradition but also to his worldview that he is associated with both ages, making at the same time apparent a connection between their views and values despite their discrepancy. Valerius Maximus’ work presents a set of knowledge and ideas that reflected the worldview of an ordinary educated Roman.
LAND DIVISION ON THE CHORA OF CHERSONESUS TAURICA AND THE PROBLEM OF STRABO’S ANCIENT CHERSONESUS Angelina A. Zedgenidze The paper examines some interconnected problems of the study of the ancient chora of Chersonesos, in particular land division of the Herakleian Peninsula and archaeological sites of the Mayachny Peninsula (Strabo’s ancient Chersonesus), where the author carried out excavations in 1985–1990. The author comes to the conclusion that the hypothesis of two stages in the formation of the chora of Chersonesus on the Herakleian Peninsula is still quite tenable. The Mayachny Peninsula, which is the western end of the Herakleian Peninsula, was divided first. It is thus the earliest chora of Chersonesus. Its division allowed the polis to secure the remaining part of the Herakleian Peninsula lying between Chersonesus and the Mayachny. The chora was planned according to a strictly regular pattern known as the system of Hippodamus of Miletus. This system formed the basis of both the city and the adjacent agricultural territory. On the isthmus of the Mayachny Peninsula a fortification was built. It defended the land plots and also functioned as an outpost of the polis.
In this article a new interpretation of Euripides’ tragedy Hecuba is proposed. As the thematic
analysis of the tragedy shows, the author’s intention was to stress the relativity of ordinary
notions of friendship and enmity and to suggest a new criterion to define them, i.e. virtue and
baseness. This theme reflects a political aim of Hecuba: the tragedy was intended to put in doubt
the necessity and usefulness of the military alliance with the Thracians. The attitude towards
the Thracians should depend not on formal relations of friendship but on moral evaluation of
their deeds: their cruelty necessitates the view of them as enemies rather than friends.