This article is dedicated to the study of Turkic morphologically complex reflexive kendisi. Based on the new data, we review the existing approaches to explaining the behaviour of kendisi and propose our own analysis. We suggest including this anaphoric means into the class of pronominals and explaining its behaviour by Principle B of the Binding Theory
This paper deals with different strategies of loanverb adaptation in different Mongolic languages, trying to bridge the gap between individual descriptions of grammatical loanword adaptation in particular Mongolic languages and general typologies of verbal borrowings (such as [Wohlgemuth 2009]). The Mongolicdata allows to trace contacts with languages belonging to different structural types covering a huge territory with possible contact micro-areas. The receiving Mongolic languages are agglutinating and almost exclusively suffixing, while their donors include languages with similar properties (Turkic varieties), with inflectional morphology (Russian), and with strong isolating tendencies (Chinese, English). Accordingly, the patterns of adaptation might differ according to the properties of the donor language.
There are three adaptation strategies in Mongolic languages: indirect insertion (withderivational affixes adapting loanwords), a light verb strategy, and direct insertion. The direct insertion pattern is less common, whileindirect insertion and the light verb strategy are equally frequent. Most Mongolic varieties use only two strategies, but some Inner Mongolian dialects allow for all three patterns. One adaptation strategy may employ different markers: for example, in Khalkha, a variety of affixes facilitate indirect assertion, and in some Buryat dialects, the light verb bol- ‘become’ is used alongside the more widely attested ke- ‘do’ for adapting borrowed verbs. Variation in a particular language is thus due to the combination of different adaptation strategies and the presence of more than one marker inside one pattern. The paper discusses the distribution of adaptation strategies within a variety according to donor language or other factors.
It suggests that adaptation strategies may be viewed as areal features for Mongolic and other languages, though their precise areal distribution requires further study. The paper discusses the borrowability ofnouns and verbs. The well-known typological approach presupposes that nouns are borrowed more frequently and easily than verbs. Nevertheless, data from different Mongolic varieties shows that loanwords are sometimes treated as nouns in that a verbalizer is even added to verbal roots. Thus, it becomes less clear how relevant word class in thedonor language is for the borrowability of a given word, especially if there are no morphological clues to word class, as in Chinese.
The article makes an effort to trace the paradigmatic unification processes in the development history of the system of personal flections of primary predication in Turkic languages and dialects. This method allows to verify the Proto-Turkic reconstruction and reconstruct a number of intermediate states for this morphological subsystem. At the same time, it demonstrates some results of contact interaction in dialectal continua, which repeatedly appeared in Turkic territories.
The article is dedicated to the problem of the reflection of iotated vowels in the Udmurt monument “Christian admonition of Saint Tikhon in the Votyak language” (1891). We consider in detail the distribution of the three ways of recording combinations with the iotated vowels presented in the text of the monument — as V1iV2, V1йV2, and V1V2. It is shown that all the usages of the grapheme й in the place of expected i fall into two small “non-standard zones”, the first one covers p. 6—10, the second one — p. 49—53. We assume that the deviating spellings of some words in these zones were influenced by an earlier monument “Christian admonition of Saint Tikhon” (1878), the translation of the same Russian text into another Udmurt dialect. To check this hypothesis, we study rules of reflection of iotated vowels in the monument of 1878 and compare the spellings in the “non-standard zones” in “Christian admonition…’ of 1891 with parallel places of the earlier monument. The analysis allows to conclude that the graphical system of the “Christian admonition ...” (1891) is generally more orderly than previously thought.
This paper addresses the issue of shortened form of negative markers in Kalmyk. Mongolic languages have a very elaborate system of negative markers, partly inherited from the Old / Middle Mongolian negation. The current study is based on the field data from the Ketchenerovsky region, Republic of Kalmykia, as well as on two corpora (Kalmyk National Corpus and the National Corpus of Kalmyk Language). It presents a study of negative markers bišǝ and -šǝ and uga andgorespectively. The study shows that there is a distribution of full and constructed version of negative markers. Full forms occur with nouns and in nonverbal predication while affixes are used mainly in verbal sentences. The distribution is also tied to several pragmatic and modal factors, for example, the marker bišǝis used with future participle ending on -xto express the emphatic form with modal meaning, while the contracted form -šǝ with this participle is the neutral way to express negation.
The work is devoted to the differential object marking in some of the Finno-Ugric languages, namely in Komi-Zyryan, Besrmyan dialect of the Udmurt language, Moksha-Mordvin language. In the previous works the analysis of the differential object marking phenomenon was limited to the analysis of a sentence, in spite of the fact, that main factors that triggers encoding such as referential properties of a DO and its information status are discourse-motivated factors. In present work we suggest quite different approach. We suggest to treat the different modes of DO encoding as different devices in the referential choice. Thus, the model is based on the referential choice framework. We argue that the discourse status of the DO referent (mental entity) such as protagonist, topic etc. or a non-salient entity can affect the DO encoding choice and overrides the within-sentence constraints. This factor works for all the analysed languages.
The article presents an overview of code-switching and other cases of the juxtaposition of two languages and borrowings from Russian in Kalmyk based on the empirical data. Code-switching is a very common phenomenon in communication among Kalmyks. On a functional level, it is often used as a communicative strategy and, on the structural level, texts provide evidence of two main patterns of nonce borrowings adaptation. The first one is the light verb strategy with auxiliary ke- ‘do’ and an infinitive of the Russian verb, the second accommodation strategy for a noun phrase is a pattern with verb gi- ‘say’ which exhibits features of grammaticalization. It is demonstrated in the article that the sources of a marker of borrowing nouns may be both code-switching in the direct and reported speech with a verb of saying and a construction with a form of habitual participle gidǝg.
This paper investigates cases of semantic shifts and proto-language polysemy in the Samoyed core lexicon. This research focuses on the shifts which have analogies in Turkic and Tungusic languages, identified with the help of semantic reconstruction. Special maps were created at LingvoDoc linguistic platform in order to demonstrate areas of similar polysemy and semantic shifts, possibly contact-induced. Using materials from archival and expeditionary dictionaries, the paper proposes a detailed account of the available lexicon of the Samoyed languages within the scope of core lexicon. Our results show 15 semantic shifts in the form of polysemy, semantic evolution and cognates: ‘sun, day’, ‘earth (place), soil’, ‘earth’ > ‘ashes’, ‘earth’ > ‘sand’, ‘earth’ > ‘clay’, ‘sand, pebbles’, ‘human skin, animal skin’, ‘skin’ > ‘bark’, ‘hair, fleece, feather’, ‘feather, wing’, ‘person, man’, ‘meat, body’, ‘neck, throat’, ‘good’ > ‘beautiful’, ‘soft’ > ‘warm’. The maps created at LingvoDoc provide evidence of intense language contacts in the past and present, or display an absence of such evidence. Judging by the shape and the size of the areas on the maps it can be seen that some cases of polysemy are local, while others are widespread on the territory of Western Siberia, whole Siberia or whole Eurasia. The highlight is that 7 Samoyed-Turkic-Tungusic parallels, 5 Samoyed-Turkic parallels and 3 Samoyed-Tungusic parallels have been found within the 100-item Swadesh wordlists of these languages. Also, some cases were identified in which extralinguistic factors might have influenced similar changes in genealogically non-related languages (‘bark’ in the Samoyed, Turkic and Tungusic) and suggested a Turkic influence on the Samoyed inherited lexicon (‘ashes’, ‘clay’).
In this paper I show how the inflectional system of the recipient language can influence the strategy of morphological integration of loanwords, and how loanwords themselves can affect the inflectional system. I discuss the morphological integration of Russian nouns in two Southern Tungusic languages: Nanai and Ulch.
These languages are very close to each other and have very similar inflectional systems. At the same time, they treat Russian nouns in rather different ways. In Ulch, Russian nouns appear to form a separate inflectional sub-class.
Both in Nanai and in Ulch, there are two inflectional classes. Stems ending in vowels take one set of inflectional affixes, while stems ending in consonants take another set of inflectional affixes. The range of stem-final consonants is very restricted. The main problem in loanword accommodation is that many Russian nouns have final consonants non-typical of the Nanai and Ulch inflectional systems. This problem is solved in Nanai and Ulch in different ways. Neither in Nanai, nor in Ulch such Russian consonant-final stems are included in the class of native consonant-final stems. In Nanai, they take an epenthetic vowel and behave as standard vowel-final stems (klass-a-wa ‘class-stem-acc.v’). In Ulch, they also take inflectional affixes typical of vowel-final stems, but still end in consonants (klass-wa ‘class-acc.v’). Therefore, such nouns can be analyzed as forming a separate minor exceptional stem class.
A closer look at morphological variation and some surface-level phonetic features attested in the Ulch inflectional system allows us to explain the unexpected strategy of loanword accommodation in Ulch and its differences with that of Nanai. Actually the behavior of Russian loanwords goes in line with the native inflectional system. The crucial factor is that in Ulch the distribution of native nouns by inflection classes is less strict and more complicated than in Nanai. Russian loanwords, which are inflected in Ulch in a non-standard way, in their turn, might influence the native Ulch system of nominal inflection, increasing its instability.
The article describes a fragment of the work process of an automatic parser for Literary Khakass. It analyzes data using “synthesis”, i. e., through multiPLe straight and reverse passes that check various hypotheses. The article describes the transformation of a morphophonological transcription of a word-form into an orthographic one. Literary Khakass is not very normative as a language, and existing grammars do not reflect every feature of its morphophonology well enough. Thus, for some stages of the process we use rules derived from our analysis of the corpus data and of the dialectal materials we have collected.
The second part of Nizyam Khanty dictionary
The first part of Nyzyam Khanty dictionary, including a sketch of phonology
The second part of Nizyam Khanty dictionary
The second part of Nizyam Khanty dictionary
The article deals with a diachronic study of subject reference in Votic and Ingrian (Finnic branch, Uralic family). At present, in these languages, as in Russian, the subject pronoun is predominantly expressed explicitly (Ingrian: Miä muiššan šenen hüväšt ‘I remember it well’). However, this pronominal pattern is not typical for other Uralic languages, where the pronoun tends to be omitted (at least in the first and second person). In this regard, the genesis of pronominal referential pattern in Votic and Ingrian languages is of great interest. Basing on the diachronic analysis of Votic and Ingrian texts (mid 19th – early 21st century), the article shows how the pronominal pattern has developed through the Central and the Lower Luga dialects of Votic and through the Soikkola dialect of Ingrian. All idioms demonstrate a significant expansion of third person subject pronouns in the middle of the 20th century. This process coincides with the period of increased contacts with native speakers of Russian and can thus be explained by contact influence.