The paper is a review of Sonnenhauser, Barbara and Patrizia Noel Aziz Hanna (eds.). 2013. Vocative! Addressing between system and performance. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton, pp. 323, ISBN 9783110304176.
The paper provides evidence for the existence of endoclitics in Andi, a Nakh-Daghestanian language of the Avar-Andic branch spoken in the Republic of Daghestan, Russia. In Andi, the additive marker (‘also’) and the intensifying marker (‘even, at all’) behave as enclitics on various types of hosts and as endoclitics when they occur on negative verb forms. In the latter case, the additive and intensifying markers break up the word form and appear before the negation marker. I argue that both the additive and the intensifier are clitics, especially in view of their highly promiscuous attachment. I also show that negative verb forms are morphologically synthetic, so the additive and the intensifier are genuine endoclitics, i.e. clitics that occur inside morphological words. In addition I provide a few parallels for the unusual morphosyntactic behaviour of additive and intensifying clitics in some other Nakh-Daghestanian languages as well as in some languages of Northern Eurasia. Although in these cases the corresponding markers do not qualify as endoclitics proper, the available data hint at a cross-linguistic tendency towards word-internal placement of morphemes with meanings like ‘also’, ‘even’ or ‘only’.
Mainstream approaches to the typology of reported discourse have
been based on the notion of a direct-indirect continuum: reported speech constructions
are traditionally analyzed as conforming to or deviating from the
“ideals” of European direct and indirect speech. This study argues that continuum-
based approaches fail to distinguish between two dimensions of variation
that are systematically discriminated in a number of African languages and
should therefore be treated separately. First, different constructions can be
recruited for speech reporting, ranging from paratactic to subordinate structures.
Second, languages differ in the way pronouns in speech reports are interpreted.
In European languages two different deictic strategies are associated with different
syntactic types of speech report (‘indirect’ and ‘direct’ deixis is correlated
with subordination and parataxis, respectively). In Kakabe, we argue, the choice
of pronominal values is independent of the construction’s syntax. Dissociating
the construction’s structural properties from the behavior of indexicals allows us
to describe the Kakabe strategies of speech reporting as well as account for the
seemingly puzzling behavior of reported commands. Our data shows that speech
reporting strategies of Kakabe should be treated as a type in its own right: a type
characterized by loose syntax and flexible pronominal indexicality.