This paper presents a description of evidentiality marking in the Rikvani dialect of Andi. As a language spoken in the Caucasus, Andi is situated in the centre of a large area within Eurasia where evidentiality is frequently expressed with a perfect or resultative form of the verb (general indirective), and special particles marking hearsay (and sometimes also inference). Both are attested in Andi and form independent evidential paradigms. I will explore the way these forms are used in natural texts and elicitation and how they interact with each other. An important issue is to what extent evidentiality can be considered grammaticalized as part of the verbal paradigm in Andi. I will compare my observations on Andi to the systems found in other East Caucasian languages.
This paper describes the range of patterns used for the expression of ‘other’ in East Caucasian (Nakh-Daghestanian) languages, an indigenous language family of the Eastern Caucasus mainly spoken in the Republics of Daghestan, Chechnya and Ingushetia (Russian Federation), as well as in northern regions of Azerbaijan and eastern parts of Georgia.
The classic Mamluk era (mid-13th–early 16th century) was one of the brightest in the history of Egypt, as well as of the entire region of the Middle East. The reign of Sultan Burquq marked the beginning of what is known as the Burji or Circassian period (1382–1517). The fitna concept, which is the basic point of this article, holds a prominent place in the Islamic political doctrine, engaging with other key concepts, such as jihād and thaura. The significance of this notion and its application in the modern Arab-Islamic political culture require a detailed study of its connotations in the context of certain historical events.The authors of the present paper trace the history of the fitna concept based on the thorough scrutiny of the relevant Arabic sources of the time. The analysis of rare epistolary artifacts of the Mamluk era forms novelty of the research. The main issue brought by the authors is to clearly discern two separate connotations of the fitna concept—as a historical and political phenomenon and, as a religious and legal notion.
The “New Silk Road” or “One Belt–One Road” (also “Belt and Road”) is a global project ini- tiated by China, the implementation of which affects various areas of development of many states and regions of the world, including security issues, socio-cultural, political, diplomatic and civilisational aspects.
A total of 173 agreements with 125 states and 29 international organisations have been signed under this initiative. The project is gaining momentum every year and attracts ever more researchers who analyse the economic, political, and cultural sides of the project and the interaction of the different countries and regions with China within the framework of this global enterprise. This article assesses the participation of five Central Asian countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan) in the Chinese pro- ject and aims to define the mutual interests of the parties on the basis of economic indica- tors (i.e., ESI, RCA, TDC, and G-L indexes).
Xinjiang (XUAR – Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region since 1955) has become an integral part of the PRC since the moment of its establishment on October 1, 1949. The riots and different forms of protests there by followers of separatist ideas have also become an integral part of life in the region. With the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) – a radical Uyghur organisation originating in China that has spread its influence all over the Middle East – Uyghur terrorism has become an international problem. In March, 2017 a new video was released by the Uyghur ethnic minority members of the Islamic State who vowed “to return home and shed blood like rivers”. An Australian National University expert on Xinjiang, Dr. Michael Clarke, marked this as the first direct threat against China by ISIL Uyghurs (Clarke 2017). Chinese scholars agree that the influence of terrorism on the territory of the PRC is constantly growing (Gu 2014).
What are the motives and methods of Uyghur terrorists? What dynamics of their violent acts may we consider in the PRC and abroad? What legal and terrorist organisations have Chinese Uyghurs as members? And what distinguishes legal and so called non-system Uyghur opposition? In this article, we aim to answer these questions, describing the current issues of the problem and their historical background, presenting views from both inside and outside China.