In this article I deal with interpretations of sexuality that are typical of Russian girls who are learning to become blue-collar or pink-collar professionals such as, for example, public health nurses, social workers, tourism and hospitality industry workers, fashion designers, and those training for employment in services like cooking, hairdressing, and tailoring. The empirical base of this article is a set of in-depth semi-structured interviews with young women and men concerning their individual sexual experiences. I examine scenarios of feminine subjectivity within the context of discussing a first sexual experience. I look, too, at how girls exercise girl-power within the framework of communication and intimacy with a partner.
One of the issues of girls’ security in urban space is defense against physical assault. Some forms of self-defense by girls and young women are marginalized by gender discourse. I examine, in this article,the example of the use of physical force as a bodily resource in girls’ and young women’s fights as a normalization by participants of their experience. I analyze the narratives of young women through the conception of the image of the body. My research shows that the girls' experience does not contradict their femininity, but neither does it correspond to the image of the defenceless body. Its reproduction in turn contributes to the cementing of girls’ positioning in urban space as vulnerable.
Girls born between the late 1990s and the early 2000s in the countries of the former USSR and Eastern Europe are fast entering into a particular kind of social life. In contrast to previous generations of girls born and bred under communist regimes, this post-socialist generation has access to the Internet, social networks, and global mass culture. They speak in a different voice, and they raise new issues and seek answers to them.
In this article is analyzed 30 biographical interviews with women who had a child before they turned 18; is studied the “discursive work” these girls do to develop their practices as correct ones and normalize early motherhood in their biography in general. The informants see having a child as a line of discontinuity between their infantile disadvantaged childhood and self-reliant autonomous adulthood. At the same time, they define the idea of good motherhood not only through the internalization of and compliance with the dominant cultural codes, but also by relying on the biographical experience they have.