A vast literature suggests that economic inequality hasimportant consequences for politics and public policy.Higher inequality is thought to increase demand forincome redistribution in democracies and to discouragedemocratization and promote class conflict and revolutionin dictatorships. Most such arguments crucially assumethat ordinary people know how high inequality is, how ithas been changing, and where they fit in the income dis-tribution. Using a variety of large, cross-national surveys,we show that, in recent years, ordinary people have hadlittle idea about such things. What they think they knowis often wrong. Widespread ignorance and misperceptionsemerge robustly, regardless of data source, operationaliza-tion, and measurement method. Moreo ver, perceivedinequality— not the actual level—correlates strongly withdemand for redistribution and reported conflict betweenrich and poor. We suggest that most theories about politi-cal effects of inequality need to be reframed as theoriesabout effects of perceived inequality.
Everything connected with the issue of economic and social inequality is very urgent and rather debating in many countries. It has reached its bolding point. Why?
Global warming is arguably the most critical and controversial issue facing the world in the twenty-first century, one that will affect every living creature on the planet. It is also an extraordinarily complex problem, which everyone needs to understand as clearly and completely as possible. This book provides a concise and accessible explanation of the key aspects of global warming. It discusses how and why changes are occurring, sets current warming trends in the context of past climate change, examines the predicted impact of global warming, as well as the political controversies of recent years and the many proposed solutions.
Present article is focused upon two samples of Early-Modern «civil sciences»: rhetorical inquiry dealing with contingency (so called «rhetorica primaria»), and mathesis politica, traditionally referring in intellectual context of the Early Enlightenment to Descartes. Special attention is paid to the famous «new sciences», which are considered in the secondary literature as antithetical: Giambattista Vico’s scienza nuova and Thomas Hobbes scientia civilis. Drawing upon almost unknown 17th century Dutch political writings, the study examines the ways of reception of Thomas Hobbes’ civil science conceived as a rhetorical inquiry. The author also explores G. Vico alternative to Hobbes’ constructionist theoretical style.
This book provides an in-depth comparative analysis of inequality and the stratification of the digital sphere.
Grounded in classical sociological theories of inequality, as well as empirical evidence, this book defines ‘the digital divide’ as the unequal access and utility of internet communications technologies and explores how it has the potential to replicate existing social inequalities, as well as create new forms of stratification. The Digital Divide examines how various demographic and socio-economic factors including income, education, age and gender, as well as infrastructure, products and services affect how the internet is used and accessed. Comprised of six parts, the first section examines theories of the digital divide, and then looks in turn at:Highly developed nations and regions (including the USA, the EU and Japan); Emerging large powers (Brazil, China, India, Russia); Eastern European countries (Estonia, Romania, Serbia); Arab and Middle Eastern nations (Egypt, Iran, Israel); Under-studied areas (East and Central Asia, Latin America, and sub-Saharan Africa).
Providing an interwoven analysis of the international inequalities in internet usage and access, this important work offers a comprehensive approach to studying the digital divide around the globe. It is an important resource for academic and students in sociology, social policy, communication studies, media studies and all those interested in the questions and issues around social inequality.
Since the moment Ukraine acquired independence, cooperation with the EU has been developing unevenly. In 1994 Ukraine became the first country from the former Union Republics, which signed with the EU the Partnership Agreement, Ve and cooperation. This agreement foreshadowed considerable economic benefits for Ukraine. However, the The establishment of partnership relations between Ukraine and the EU began much later. Declaration of state Managerial decisions, weak functional and institutional consolidation of the priority of the Euro- The low level of professionalism of civil servants and the lack of knowledge in the field of European integration negatively affected the implementation of the concluded agreement. The agreement signed in 1994 entered into force only on March 1, 1998, when trade relations with Ukraine Have retreated to the background. In a December 2001 European Commission statement, it was noted that priority Tasks in Ukraine is the fight against AIDS, tuberculosis, illegal migration and organized crime. Tion. By the level of social and economic development, Ukraine lagged far behind many countries of the subregion, The level of the national economy was lower not only relative to European countries, but also to many developing countries Countries. It seems that this situation is due to the fact that Ukraine in the first 10 years of independence is not Has conducted no effective economic reform. We believe that the European Union at that time was not It is advantageous to direct large amounts of money to solve the problems of the unstable Ukrainian economy.
This is the second volume in a series of five books bringing together the results of intensive research on the national systems of innovation (NSI) in the BRICS countries – Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. This book analyses the co-evolution of inequality and NSI across the BRICS economies. Inequality and Development Challenges argues that inequalities (assets, access to basic services, infrastructure, knowledge, race, gender, ethnicity, and geographic location) that go beyond the aspects of income, must be factored into development strategies since the benefits of innovation are not distributed equally. It combines original and detailed data, making this book an invaluable resource for researchers and scholars in economics, development studies and political science, as well as policymakers and development practitioners interested in the BRICS countries.
In the United States and many Western democracies, the individual personalities of voters rather than their social locations in various interest groups are presumably becoming decisive for political choice. This shift may reflect declining distinctiveness and extremity of parties as they seek the political center, increased complexity of political issues, growing interdependence among political units, and greater concern in the electorate with social relations and intimacy.
Early research on personality in politics dealt mainly with the dispositions, attitudes, and motives of voters and leaders. A broad literature attests to the merits and limitations of these approaches. More recent studies show that basic personal values largely mediate the effects of individuals’backgrounds and personality traits on voting behavior and on their core political attitudes. The 2006 ANES Pilot Study provided the first assessment of the role of basic personal values in politics in a representative American sample.
The December protests in Moscow do not represent a “Russian Spring,” “Orange Revolution,” or new version of Perestroika. Rather they have more in common with the Progressive movement that fought corruption in the U.S. during the early part of the twentieth century. The demonstrations made clear that Russian citizens now want to play an active role in their country’s political life.