Современный салафизм: генезис, историография и типология движения (на примере Египта и Туниса)
This article aims to observe the phenomenon of the contemporary Salafism with a particular focus on political transformations in Egypt and Tunis during the ‘Arab spring’. The authors demonstrate that the events of the ‘Arab spring’ had double effect on Salafi movement. From the one hand, they have deepened an internal Salafi split, and from the other, they pulled together several Salafi groups with moderate ‘traditional Islamists’. Our findings can contribute to revaluation of the Middle Eastern Salafism, which is primarily seen as an exclusively extremist and radical trend in Islam.
It is not surprising that Mubarak’s administration “overlooked” the social explosion. Indeed, statistical data righteously claimed that the country was developing very successfully. Economic growth rates were high (even in the crisis years). Poverty and inequality levels were among the lowest in the Third World. Global food prices were rising, but the government was taking serious measures to mitigate their effect on the poorest layers of the population. Unemployment level (in per cent) was less than in many developed countries of the world and, moreover, was declining, and so were population growth rates. What would be the grounds to expect a full-scale social explosion? Of course, the administration had a sort of reliable information on the presence of certain groups of dissident “bloggers”, but how could one expect that they would be able to inspire to go to the Tahrir any great masses of people? It was even more difficult to figure out that Mubarak’s regime would be painfully struck by its own modernization successes of the 1980s, which led to the sharp decline of crude death rate and especially of infant and child mortality in 1975–1990. Without these successes many young Egyptians vehemently demanding Mubarak’s resignation (or even death) would have been destined to die in early childhood and simply would not have survived to come out to the Tahrir Square.
Socio-economic development in the Arab world is an important element of global pattern changes in the early 21st century. They show a complex interaction of processes in the masses of the new young "Internet generations" and the elites, and somewhat forgotten gastarbiters. Matrix of kingdoms and republics, oil and non-oil countries make situation more complex for the region than for any separate country. From our viewpoint the political spring in the Arab world requires, first of all, the analysis of the Arab society, its nature and characteristics that distinguish it from societies of the Christian tradition of Europe and the Americas. And is it revolt of the middle class in one oil country or a rebellion of tribes? The new middle class, the information revolution and the dispossessed masses, including migrant workers in the background of the huge concentration of wealth of the ruling regimes represent the socio-economic reality of the Middle East that will be present in international politics in the next decade. And finally - to what extent the lesson of Lybia can be applicable to other oil countries? What may be lessons for other elites?
Thematic volume of the Gosudarstvo, religija, cerkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom (2/33, 2015) entitled “Hristianskij Vostok: gosudarstva i mezhkonfessional'nye svjazi” [Christian Orient: The States and Interconfessional Relations]; edited by Dr. N. Seleznyov.
In the article author considers the role of Egypt in establishing the League of Arab States. Analyzed the most probable realization of projects of Arab unity of the first half of XX century. Particular attention is paid to the figure of the Egyptian Prime Minister Nahhas Pasha. His role and contribution in carrying out bilateral talks with representatives of the six Arab states, as well as his presidency at the Preparatory Committee took place in Cairo in the summer of 1944.
An article devoted to political development in Egypt after the Revolution 25 January 2011. Authors concludes that country take a course on Islamisation of political system.
The article is concerned with the notions of technology in essays of Ernst and Friedrich Georg Jünger. The special problem of the connection between technology and freedom is discussed in the broader context of the criticism of culture and technocracy discussion in the German intellectual history of the first half of the 20th century.