The Oriental Business and Innovation Center (OBIC) was set up by the Budapest Business School, University of Applied Sciences and the Central Bank of Hungary in 2016. One of the main goals of the initiative was to contribute to a better understanding of Asian cultures, economies, and languages in Hungary. OBIC’s activities aim to improve the improvement of our students’ language skills, enhancing academic mobility towards Asia, and support of Asia-related research. This collection book is the third in the OBIC Book Series and the second in the China-related issues. In recent years, the question has been fiercely debated whether China is following the path of the Asian developmental states, such as Japan, Korea, Singapore, etc. or China’s outstanding economic development is fundamentally different from the success stories of the Asian developmental states. The discussion was becoming more intensive when Chinese economic growth remained stable despite predictions forecasting a slow-down of Chinese economic growth or even the collapse of the economic giant after the financial meltdown of 2008-2009. Since the Great Recession (2008-2009), the pace of Chinese economic development earned the admiration of many countries trying to catch up with advanced states. It must be also added that not only developing countries, but also middle-income countries in Central Europe are experimenting with alternative economic development models to those suggested by the Washington-consensus in the early 90s. This volume of the OBIC Book Series attempts to collect papers that focus on a very special aspect of the Chinese economic model with one fundamental question underlying these papers: what role is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) playing in Chinese economic policy. The book covers three main topics: the implementation of the BRI, the interpretation of the BRI, and its effects and links to the Chinese economic policy. In her paper, Judit Szilágyi gives a systematic overview on how the BRI is implemented in the Eurasian region, and Ma Junchi focuses on the China-Europe railway connections. These papers look at the implementation, while the interpretation of the BRI is covered by Pickus and Nicolea-Nicolea. David Pickus highlights the educational 12 elements and lessons from the BRI launch, while Nicolea-Nicolea make attempts to interpret the Belt and Road Initiative in a Romanian context. Szilárd Boros links the BRI to the broader goals of Chinese economic policy, while Karpov’s paper investigates the multi-track price systems of China. In his paper, Moldicz makes attempts to identify the elements the Chinese economy model shares with the so-called Asian developmental states. the Oriental Business and Innovation Center prepared this book with the goal to give an overview of the state of Chinese economic policy and how it ties to the Belt and Road Initiative. We are thankful for the financial assistance of the Central Bank of Hungary, and the leadership of the Budapest Business School and all the people who supported our efforts in the making of this collection book.
Looking at pictures can be a delightful, exciting or moving experience, but some pictures – and these are often the most rewarding – require some explanation before they can be fully understood. Delving into the origins, designs and themes of over 100 pictures from different periods and places, this book illuminates the art of looking at – and talking about – pictures. Woodford shows how you can read a picture by examining the formal and stylistic devices used by an artist, and explores popular themes and subject matters, and the relationship of pictures to the societies that produced them. The book is supplemented by a glossary of key terms, ranging from art movements and technical terms to religious and classical terminology, to give readers all the information they need at their fingertips.
Increasing cooperation through greater interdependency of the organizational networks structures is a topical issue for a diverse range of industries, including the energy sector However, despite the advantages of such form of activity, Russian organizations do not tend to cooperate. An extensive analysis of the techno-economic network of the Russian power sector innovation ecosystem made it possible to identify hub-organizations which could be regarded as the catalysts for partnership development. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to elaborate the mechanisms of target network creation behind hubs’ involvement in the network expansion. Thus, it could provide a solid foundation not only for an increased number of partnerships but could also serve the purpose of embedding companies in the strategic activity ultimately enabling them to achieve competitive parity with the rest of the world.
Russia has been experiencing the results of an acute economic crisis since 2012. However, the government has not been explicit in its declarations regarding austerity policies. On the contrary, it tends to represent its measures as "normal" and generally justifies cuts to public expenditure and reduced spending as part of a new understanding of the welfare state and socio-economic relations. Nevertheless, there is a clear connection between the crisis and the introduction of conservative discourse and the "traditional values" concept that targets gender equality both in public and private domains.
The Russian case study is exemplary and didactic. As Russia is new to market economics and has never developed a consistent neoliberal agenda, the shift to conservative ideologies came unexpectedly easily. Gender has become a battleground for the government to fight over social problems and austerity measures. Unlike the EU countries, the Russian government does not hesitate to challenge human rights and gender equality, easily shifting the blame to leftist ideologies – primarily feminism – that are held responsible for family instability and the poor state of demography and health. Using the concept of "traditional values" as a cover for increasing austerity measures, the government relies on short-term strategies. However, this shift to conservative public discourse has not been readily accepted by the Russian population, least of all by women. There is clear resistance from various social groups, including women. This resistance is not just taking the familiar form of public protests (although they have been taking place as well), but rather in the form of withdrawal from public space to minimise dealings with the state, a strategy familiar from the Soviet experience of resistance. Therefore, on the surface, Russian public discourse seems to be dominated by officially promoted ideologies, but this does not mean that society just accepts or even implements those ideologies eagerly.
At the same time, there is a clear tendency to follow supranational austerity measures by cutting public spending, amending social security policies, privatising care, and forcing women to return to the double-burden situation in the Soviet-type social contract by openly attacking feminist ideologies, gender equality, and human rights. In this situation, Russian NGOs, especially those with a human rights and gender-sensitive agenda, need more subtle strategies to deal with public policies, starting at the local government level.
A number of recent events in the last decade have renewed interest in Russian discourses on international law. This book evaluates and presents a contemporary analysis of Russian discourses on international law from various perspectives, including sociological, theoretical, political and philosophical. The aim is to identify how Russian interacts with international law, the reasons behind such interactions, and how such interactions compare with the general practice of international law. It also examines whether legal culture and other phenomena can justify Russia's interaction in international law. Russian Discourses on International Law explains Russia's interpretation of international law thrugh the lens of both leading western scholars and contemporary western-based Russian scholars. It will be of value to international law scholars looking for a better understanding of Russia's behaviour in international legal relations, law and society, foreign policy, and domestic application of international law. Further, those in fields such as sociology, politics, pholosophy, or general graduate students, lawyers, think tanks, government departments, and specialised Russian studies programmes will find this book helpful.
Our epoch is inseparably connected with revolutionary technological, social and political changes which herald the transition to the new post-industrial civilization. This civilization transit is the third one in the history of humankind. It has a number of peculiarities that are not completely clear and thus require scientific description and analysis. The present-day post-industrial transit opens up huge possibilities for the development of humankind but simultaneously generates new challenges. It seems important to find these challenges and try to predict possible ways of overcoming them. Another considerable problem is interaction between the civilization of the planet whose development accelerates due to tendencies for universalization characteristic of post-industrial transit and local civilizations. The way it exists nowadays and the prospects of this interaction in the future, and also the question of whether local civilizations will be preserved in the future, all these issues are of considerable scientific interest.
The problems and issues above form the object of consideration in this report. The prognostic frame of the report is limited by the next 15-20 years as the end of this period will be characterized by the time of technological revolution which may change the biological basics of human existence. All that will mean formation of a radically new civilization on our planet whose contours are not even visible right now. According to the well-known British physicist, Stephen Hawking, “computers will overtake people…over the next 100 years” and “development of full artificial intelligence may spell the end of human race.”
Book of Proceedings
The regulatory policy report is the latest in a series written in cooperation with the Higher School of Economics and expert and business communities during the work on a comprehensive strategy to modernize the public administration system in Russia. For CSR, changing the regulatory policy along with introducing modern managerial approaches to public administration, personnel policy, and large-scale digital transformation, is a priority for successful structural reforms.
The ideas and suggestions on the regulatory policy presented by CSR were of great interest to the Russian business community. CSR received dozens of conceptual proposals from experts, businessmen, and public officials from all over Russia. We worked on promising regulatory policy tools and a comprehensive strategy for two years and a major part of our deliverables can be found in Chapter 3 of this report. Many of these proposals were also included in the Development Strategy for 2018–2024 presented by CSR at the request of the Russian President.
The use of data in society has seen an exponential growth in recent years. Data science, the field of research concerned with understanding and analyzing data, aims to find ways to operationalize data so that it can be beneficially used in society, for example in health applications, urban governance or smart household devices. The legal questions that accompany the rise of new, data-driven technologies however are underexplored. This book is the first volume that seeks to map the legal implications of the emergence of data science. It discusses the possibilities and limitations imposed by the current legal framework, considers whether regulation is needed to respond to problems raised by data science, and which ethical problems occur in relation to the use of data. It also considers the emergence of Data Science and Law as a new legal discipline.
This book provides a critical account of the third sector and its future in Europe. It offers an original conceptualization of the third sector in its European manifestations alongside an overview of its major contours, including its structure, sources of support, and recent trends. It also assesses the impact of this sector in Europe which considers its contributions to European economic development, citizen well-being and human development.
The Third Sector As A Renewable Resource for Europe presents the findings of the Third Sector Impact (TSI) project funded by the European Union’s Seventh Framework Program (FP7). It recognises that in a time of social and economic distress, as well as enormous pressures on governmental budgets, the third sector and volunteering represent a unique ‘renewable resource’ for social and economic problem-solving and civic engagement in Europe.
Liberalism in Russia is one of the most complex, multifaced and, indeed, controversial phenomena in the history of political thought. Values and practices traditionally associated with Western liberalism—such as individual freedom, property rights, or the rule of law—have often emerged ambiguously in the Russian historical experience through different dimensions and combinations. Economic and political liberalism have often appeared disjointed, and liberal projects have been shaped by local circumstances, evolved in response to secular challenges and developed within often rapidly-changing institutional and international settings. This third volume of the Reset DOC “Russia Workshop” collects a selection of the Dimensions and Challenges of Russian Liberalism conference proceedings, providing a broad set of insights into the Russian liberal experience through a dialogue between past and present, and intellectual and empirical contextualization, involving historians, jurists, political scientists and theorists. The first part focuses on the Imperial period, analyzing the political philosophy and peculiarities of pre-revolutionary Russian liberalism, its relations with the rule of law (Pravovoe Gosudarstvo), and its institutionalization within the Constitutional Democratic Party (Kadets). The second part focuses on Soviet times, when liberal undercurrents emerged under the surface of the official Marxist-Leninist ideology. After Stalin’s death, the “thaw intelligentsia” of Soviet dissidents and human rights defenders represented a new liberal dimension in late Soviet history, while the reforms of Gorbachev’s “New Thinking” became a substitute for liberalism in the final decade of the USSR. The third part focuses on the “time of troubles” under the Yeltsin presidency, and assesses the impact of liberal values and ethics, the bureaucratic difficulties in adapting to change, and the paradoxes of liberal reforms during the transition to post-Soviet Russia. Despite Russian liberals having begun to draw lessons from previous failures, their project was severely challenged by the rise of Vladimir Putin. Hence, the fourth part focuses on the 2000s, when the liberal alternative in Russian politics confronted the ascendance of Putin, surviving in parts of Russian culture and in the mindset of technocrats and “system liberals”. Today, however, the Russian liberal project faces the limits of reform cycles of public administration, suffers from a lack of federalist attitude in politics and is externally challenged from an illiberal world order. All this asks us to consider: what is the likelihood of a “reboot” of Russian liberalism?
The past few decades have witnessed the development of an increasingly globalised and multipolar world order, in which the demand for multilateralism becomes ever more pronounced. The BRICS group established in 2009, has evolved into a plurilateral summit institution recognized both by sceptics and proponents as a major participant in the international system.
Addressing the BRICS’s role in global governance, this book critically examines the club’s birth and evolution, mechanisms of inter-BRICS cooperation, its agenda priorities, BRICS countries’ interests, decisions made by members, their collective and individual compliance with the agreed commitments, and the patterns of BRICS engagement with other international institutions. This volume advances the current state of knowledge on global governance architecture, the BRICS role in this system, and the benefits it has provided and can provide for world order.
This book will interest scholars and graduate students who are researching the rise and role of emerging powers, global governance, China and India’s approach to global order and relationship with the United States, Great Power politics, democratization as a foreign policy strategy, realist theory-building and hegemonic transitions, and the (crisis of) liberal world order.
9st European Conference on Positive Psychology June 27–30, 2018 • Budapest, Hungary. Book of Abstracts.
The book comprises study materials for learning English. It aims at developing students' communication skills which are necessary for using English in every day life and professional activities. The book provides learners with extra opportunities for developing their listening, pronunciation, vocabulary and speaking skills through the use of authentic video content selected in accordance with the requirements of the ESL course.
The forecast covers the period up to 2035. It describes dynamic trends that will shape the future of the world during the nearest 20 years. The aim of this study is to foresee the challenges awaiting the world and the forthcoming opportunities which can be used in the interests of the Russian state, ensuring its role as an active participant in the formation of the future world order. The book presents a general analysis of the main trends of world development, its spiritual culture, ideology, politics, innovation, economy, social sphere and interna tional security, the problems of globalization and regionalism. The final section of the book presents strategic recommendations for Russia. Prospective readers of this book include staff members of government institutions and management bodies, research, expert and business communities. It also may be recommended for student scholars of international affairs.
In this CNA Occasional Paper, Russian East Asia expert Vasily Kashin examines the current state of Russian-Chinese defense and security cooperation, Russia’s approach to developing it, and the possible outcomes of a further Russia-China rapprochement. He highlights the historical antecedents to the unprecedently long period of close ties between the two countries, focusing on the mutual advantages derived by both countries from defense industrial cooperation. The paper describes the gradually depending nature of bilateral military cooperation across a number of domains, including arms sales and joint exercises. The paper also addresses Russia’s evolving views on China’s increasing global role and the potential for an even closer Russia-China strategic alliance in the future, concluding that although the two countries are not ready for Western-style cooperation in defense technology, they are gradually moving toward a security partnership characterized by greater integration and interdependence.
One of the key developments in 20th and 21st century history has been the demographic revolution, or demographic transition, which radically changed the course of fundamental demographic processes involving the birth rate, mortality and migration. These changes have had, and continue to have, a significant effect on all aspects of life in modern and developing societies, including their economies, social relations, culture and political life. In addition, they greatly influence the crucial sphere of international relations, and create unprecedented challenges for international security.
Demographic change affects the international situation both directly and indirectly, through the social processes experienced by all societies which embrace this change.
Authoritarian regimes differ by the degree to which the leader is constrained in his ability to influence the decision-making process. It has been argued that unlimited executive can either lead to adverse economic policy outcomes or improve economic performance. In this work, I reassess the effect of executive constraints on economic performance. While most of the previous research in this area focuses on regime typologies, I use observable indicators of power personalisation in 90 autocratic countries from 1960-2010 and estimate their effect on economic performance. I focus on power concentration, the extent of the decision-making power of chief executives and leaders’ ability to dismiss the elites form political institutions as the indicators for measuring leaders’ ability to influence the decision-making process. I discover that countries, where leaders are able to stay in office longer and are able to change the cabinet, concentrate more power in their hands and tend to be more opportunistic. The results imply that strong leaders establish such power-sharing mode that allows them to act in a self-interest way.
This paper provides an extended analysis of an equilibrium concept for non-cooperative games with boundedly rational players: Nash-2 equilibrium. Players think one step ahead and account for all profitable responses of player-specific subsets of opponents because of both the cognitive limitations on predicting everyone’s reaction and the inability to make deeper and certain predictions. They cautiously reject improvements that might lead to worse profits after some reasonable response. For n-person games we introduce the notion of a reflection network consisting of direct competitors to express the idea of selective farsightedness. For almost every 2-person game with a complete reflection network, we prove the existence of a Nash-2 equilibrium. Nash-2 equilibrium sets are obtained in models of price and quantity competition, and in Tullock’s rent-seeking model with two players. It is shown that such farsighted behavior may provide strategic support for tacit collusion. The analyses of n-person Prisoner’s dilemma and oligopoly models with a star reflection structure demonstrate some possibilities of strategic collusion and a large variety of potentially stable outcomes.
Approval of hierarchy and inequality in society indexed by social dominance orientation (SDO) extends to support for human dominance over the natural world. We tested this negative association between SDO and environmentalism and the validity of the new Short Social Dominance Orientation Scale in two cross-cultural samples of students (N = 4,163, k = 25) and the general population (N = 1,237, k = 10). As expected, the higher people were on SDO, the less likely they were to engage in environmental citizenship actions, pro-environmental behaviors and to donate to an environmental organization. Multilevel moderation results showed that the SDO–environmentalism relation was stronger in societies with marked societal inequality, lack of societal development, and environmental standards. The results highlight the interplay between individual psychological orientations and social context, as well as the view of nature subscribed to by those high in SDO.
The paper considers the transformation of the public funding mechanisms of theatres during the period from the last years of the USSR and early years of postSoviet Russia up to the present. It analyses the differences between models applied at different times. Several parameters of these models are taken into consideration, including the requirements that public bodies impose on the activities of theatres due to funding, and special features of budgetary tools which among other things characterize the approach to the determination of amounts of funding transferred to the theatres. Four models of public funding are juxtaposed with the state cultural policy objectives in theatrical activity set by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and federal statutory and regulatory enactments. Th e hypothesis that there is no direct orientation towards such objectives is put forward and fi nds its confi rmation. A new model based on the public grants mechanism that meets the requirement of being policy objective-oriented is proposed.
Do economic sanctions turn the public against the target government or cause it to rally around the flag? How do sanctions affect attitudes toward the sanctioner? How does bad economic performance under sanctions shape support for the target government? Despite their importance, these questions have rarely been explored with survey data. Results from two surveys in Russia find that exposure to information about economic sanctions does not generate a rally around the flag, leads some groups to withdraw support from the target government, and reduces support for the sanctioner. Respondents also react more strongly to the reasons why sanctions were put in place—the annexation of Crimea—than to the sanctions themselves. These results suggest the need to reevaluate theories of the impact of economic sanctions and blame-shifting under autocracy.
The article reviews a problem set of intergenerational cultural transmission through the example of primers, which were published for Russian-speaking children in Latvia and Poland in the period of 1920s. We compare the content of the alphabet books published in limitrophe states with the content of the alphabet books published in Soviet Russia at the same time, so as to reveal the particular nature and instruments of socio-cultural transmission in the communities of Russian-speaking minorities who found themselves in the actual emigration. Conceptual framework of research consists of culture typology by M. Mead and recent studies of intergenerational cultural transmission and social cohesion. Source base of conducted research consisted off three primers published in 1920s in Latvia and one primer published in Poland. In addition we reviewed two primers published within the same time frame in Soviet Russia. Model of intergenerational transmission in the analyzed Latvian emigrant primers is based on a child’s urge to individual development of values and guidelines, testing of behavioral practices, etc., using means recommended by adult community, i.e. knowledge and education. Therefore, Latvian primers «allow» children to be included in network of weak ties, thereby loosening in-group cohesion, but preparing children for integration into dominant culture. In the Polish edition of primer for Russianspeaking children one can observe classic post figurative type of intergenerational cultural transmission. This «permanence» of conveyed values and illusion of stability homogenize community, both vertically and horizontally, and provide in-group cohesion, protecting the group as a cocoon from cultural diffusion and assimilation. In Polish textbooks this cohesion strategy is supported and strengthened by representation of external environment as hostile and in-group environment as stable, based on age-proven popular wisdom and support of superior, i.e. divine, essence. Content analysis of primers published in 1920s in Soviet Russia allows talking about reconstruction of postfigurative type of intergenerational cultural transmission. In the context of actual abruption of cultural continuity the strategy of extrapolation of intrafamilial model to the society at large is used here. It enables to normalize current social transformations and legitimates established social hierarchy.
This study examined perfectionism as a multidimensional personality factor which influences foreign language learning and classroom anxiety. Hierarchical regression analyses confirmed that the two dimensions of perfectionism, adaptive and maladaptive, relate to Foreign Language Classroom Anxiety (FLCA) differently. After controlling for the effects of general anxiety, perceptions of academic performance, and self-reported English fluency, perfectionistic discrepancy (maladaptive aspect) was a significant predictor of FLCA; perfectionistic standards (adaptive aspect) was not. Results indicated that this multidimensional nature of perfectionism affects Russian students in the context of foreign language classroom anxiety. Implications regarding the prevention and intervention of maladaptive perfectionism among students are discussed, as well as directions for future studies. These findings are important for teachers, students, and experts who may interact with FLCA and perfectionism as well as those who may personally experience it. The possible strategies to reduce anxiety could include discussing unrealistic beliefs and expectations with reference to foreign language learning, accepting mistakes as an integral part of foreign language learning as well as coaching.
It has been widely acknowledged that current international intellectual property (IP) standard setting is carried through bilateral and plurilateral negotiations, and that the EU is very much involved in this process. It is notably the case of standards pertaining to the rights protecting designs, which received a particularly flexible set of minimum standards under the TRIPS WTO agreement. Building on the growing research both in IP rights in preferential trade agreements and design law, this paper looks at the IP chapters of EU agreements with third countries, assessing their deepness and the flexibility they maintain to uncover the trends of such design law internationalization. It evaluates how design rights, which have been seen in the past as less instrumental for business expansion abroad compared to trademark right and copyright, start to be elevated as strategic tools for business internationalization.
The article demonstrates that the extent and mode of adolescent participation in social networks have changed with the rapid development of social media technologies. If, at the time when they were first introduced, social networks complemented direct communication and were studied as a separate additional space, now, because of the development of mobile technologies, direct and indirect communications have merged to form a single space. This is reflected in the fact that adolescents have a hard time distinguishing between these spaces in their responses to surveys. This reality, which we discovered during the course of our study, indicates that the methodology that is used to study both the communication of adolescents and the social networks themselves should be revised. Social networks have integrated themselves into the lives of schoolchildren, though their potential for education and the question of how they can be integrated into the education system have been totally ignored. In fact, our study has confirmed the existence of a new, third wave of the computerization of education. This one is not being conducted from the top down, as was true of the two previous ones (which occurred in the 1980s and 2000s), in which state goals for the computerization of the school system led to transformations at the level of the individual schools. Rather, users are instigating this new revolution, and the formal structures are being forced to respond. It has turned out that the system of education is not prepared for such a situation, and as a result teachers and administrators are imposing unjustified and easily violated bans on the use of personal devices. As a consequence, students are becoming increasingly alienated from school.