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Of all publications in the section: 55
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Working paper
Gasparyan O. T. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2014
Government efficiency is one of many fuzzy terms in contemporary political science. Due to its multidimensionality, it is not well-defined and, therefore, hard to identify. The idea of the current research is to create an index of government efficiency using data envelopment analysis. Using a sample of 127 countries for the period of 2009-2011 we then mark out the significant institutional factors that could impact government efficiency. Moreover, this study supports the initial hypothesis about the predominance of political factors in the efficiency increase.
Added: Oct 13, 2014
Working paper
Chmel K., Savin N., Michael X. D. C. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2018. No. WP BRP 63/PS/2018.
There is an extensive body of research devoted to how political satire affects political knowledge and political behavior. Extant studies are focused on political satire in democratic countries and do not pay enough attention to authoritarian regimes. This study extends this research to non- democratic regimes, while also adding to it by exploring the extent to which the use of political satire encourages exposure to political information. We conduct an online experiment on the sample of Russian students. We borrow satirical pictures from Lentach – popular Russian socialmedia public page, whose motto is “a propaganda of common sense” as opposed to biasedpolitical messages proliferated by government-controlled media outlets. Using both frequentist and Bayesian approaches, we found that access to political information containing satirical illustrating content increases attention to the information, relative to political news reports accompanied by standard news illustrations. The findings contribute to the literature on the political entertainment and exposure to political information, as well as to research on media under authoritarianism.
Added: Nov 22, 2018
Working paper
Inkina S. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2017. No. WP BRP 57/PS/2018.
Since the early 1990s, there have been a number of incomplete efforts made by the Russian government to modernize state bureaucracy. The first wave started during the early years of Perestroika and it coincided with the collapse of the Communist system. In 1997- 2001, bureaucratic reform agenda has become one of the key priorities of the Russian government again. In 2001, Federal powers launched a set of comprehensive policy measures aiming to modernize the system of bureaucratic organization. However, research to date has paid insufficient attention to the model of public bureaucracy that the Russian policy-makers were trying to build. Furthermore, little attention has been attributed to the relationship between the stages of policy formulation and policy implementation, and accordingly, to the idea of measuring and evaluating civil service reform progress.  This paper uses the insights of policy implementation research to evaluate the dynamic of civil service reform (CSR) in Russia. Based on the study of government and legislative documents, I observe that despite major efforts taken by the group of reform advocates to establish clear and coherent regulations in the area of CSR, the goal of comprehensive bureaucratic modernization has not been met. Based on data acquired in expert interviews with research community specialists, State Duma representatives, former City Council members and lawmakers, I conclude that this failure has resulted from the pressure of dissatisfied interests, the lack of willingness and capacity of reform leadership to resists this pressure.
Added: Jan 22, 2018
Working paper
Sirotkina E. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2014. No. WP BRP 15/PS/2014.
Does limited competition promote voting stability and party system institutionalization? Since Russian political parties face administrative impediments to participating in elections, only those who adapt to the changing rules remain in the game. Thus, voters have a limited number of parties to support and with no alternatives they might tend to stick to their choice. In this paper, I take stability in electoral support as an indicator of party system institutionalization and test whether limited competition in non-democratic Russia leads to voting stability and party system institutionalization. Empirical evidence is taken from the Russian State Duma elections in 2003-2011.
Added: Oct 27, 2014
Working paper
Shukhova, A., Nisnevich Y. A. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2017. No. WP BRP 42/PS/2017.
Corruption is an intrinsically latent phenomenon, which makes it a challenging task to measure it and requires the use of indirect indicators. The academic community and nongovernment organizations have proposed various indices that differ in terms of their methodology, data and coverage. In this paper, we estimate construct validity of the most widely used indices of corruption: The Corruption Perceptions Index, The Control of Corruption Index,The Bribing and Corruption Index, The Corruption Index, and The Rule of Law: Absence of Corruption. In this paper we show that Corruption Index by the International Country Risk Guide and Absence of Corruption Index are not constructively valid and, therefore, are not suitable for the use in scholarly research. We also show that all indices provide poor estimates of a corruption level in the highly corrupted group of countries.
Added: Jan 19, 2017
Working paper
Nisnevich Y. A., Ryabov A. V. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2017. No. WP BRP 44/PS/2017.
This article analyses the ideologies of authoritarian and neo-authoritarian regimes. The analysis is carried out in three clusters: “rudimentary” authoritarian regimes, post-colonial dictatorships, neo-authoritarian regimes. The first cluster is subdivided into two subgroups: authoritarian monarchies and “communist regimes”. The regimes in the third cluster are also subdivided into two subgroups: post-Soviet regimes and neo-authoritarian regimes in Africa, Asia and Latin America. In an age of the decline of ideologies on a global scale, authoritarian and neo-authoritarian regimes, as before, need political ideologies to legitimise their power. However in the contemporary epoch which sets authoritarian and neo-authoritarian regimes new and much more complicated challenges, these regimes are forced to use more flexibility ideologies in order to adapt to the rapidly changing world. Ideologies of such regimes lose their former integrity and become “multi-layer”, eclectic. “Non-ideological” elements such as corruption have become a part of the ideologies of neo-authoritarian regimes. But herewith priority of the state as the highest value remains “the bearing structure” of the political ideologies of all authoritarian and neo-authoritarian regimes. Despite the official protection of human rights and liberties by neo-authoritarian regimes, this occupies a secondary and subordinate place in the ideological hierarchy and political practice of these regimes.
Added: Feb 13, 2017
Working paper
Kisel K., Shokhin A. N. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2014. No. 14/PS/2014.
This work focuses on studying and defining the modern models of interaction between business and government. The fact that Russia is in a new stage of development and a course of modernization, for better interaction between business and government there is a need for institutionalized cooperation, daily dialogue, and a system of a joint goal-setting and decisionmaking. This work identifies the characteristic features of the interaction model between business and government through business associations. In this working paper we analyze different approaches to the problem of interaction between business and government. According to Russian realities we suggested the typologization of models of interaction between business and government. This typology is based on an analysis of the institutional practices in leading foreign states. The empirical base of research is a series of interviews with representatives of the business community, the heads and staff of business structures, business associations and public authorities. This paper shows that a model of interaction between business and government through business associations is the most effective for the Russian Federation. In this study several different tasks are solved: to examine existing approaches to business and government interaction; to compare existing models of interaction between business and government; to characterize institutional practices in foreign countries.  
Added: Dec 11, 2014
Working paper
Zhirkov K. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2014. No. WP BRP 12/PS/2014.
In the present study I use spatial voting model to assess the importance of the left-right and immigration issue dimensions on electoral behavior in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. My findings indicate that distances between parties and voters on both left-right and immigration dimensions do significantly influence voting choice in all three countries, although effect of the latter is substantially lower. I also demonstrate that voting for the niche parties, and especially for the radical right, is much stronger related to the immigration issue than voting for the mainstream parties, both center-left and center-right ones. Finally, my analysis demonstrates that positional spatial voting model shows a good degree of stability even under imperfect measurement of policy preferences. In conclusion, I discuss implications of my findings for the research on new political issues and niche parties.
Added: May 27, 2014
Working paper
Романов Д. М., Korotayev A. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2019. No. 69.
Previous studies have found that the increase in the proportion of youth in adult population can lead to an increased risk of political violence. However, studies of the influence of the ‘youth bulges’ on the intensity of non-violent protest activity have hardly been conducted. We hypothesize that ‘youth bulges’ could influence the rise of non-violent protests as well. We find that though in the absence of controls, there is a statistically significant negative correlation between the proportion of young people in the total adult population and the intensity of non-violent protests this correlation turns out to be positive after the introduction of controls for per capita GDP, urbanization, non-autocratic political regime and the proliferation of education. 
Added: Aug 14, 2019
Working paper
Szakonyi D., Reuter O. J. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2012. No. 10.
Does online social media undermine authoritarianism? We examine the conditions under which online social networks can increase public awareness of electoral fraud in non-democracies. Weargue that a given online social network will only increase political awareness if it is first politicized by elites. Using survey data from the 2011 Russian parliamentary elections, we show that usage of Twitter and Facebook, which were politicized by opposition elites, significantly increased respondents' perceptions of electoral fraud, while usage of Russia's domestic social networking platforms, Vkontakte and Odnoklassniki, which were not politicized by opposition activists, had no effect on perceptions of fraud. Our study elucidates the causes of post-election protest by uncovering a mechanism through which knowledge of electoral fraud can become widespread.
Added: Jan 17, 2013
Working paper
Rochlitz M., Kulpina V., Remington T. F. et al. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2014. No. 18.
Scholars of performance incentives for regional officials in transitional states debate the appropriate degree of centralization and decentralization of political control. Decentralized administrative systems are said to encourage beneficial jurisdictional competition among regional officials, inducing innovation and growth, and reducing the likelihood of predation by central officials. An alternative perspective holds that centralization enables central governments to set overall policy goals, selectively rewarding regional officials who meet them, and restraining local predation. In this paper, we argue that the key to an effective incentive system lies in the way centralization and decentralization are combined. To investigate this issue, we compare the performance, careers and incentives of regional officials in China and Russia during the last 15 years. Both countries combine centralized personnel selection with substantial administrative autonomy for regional officials, but differ substantially with respect to economic outcomes. We argue that the difference in outcomes can be attributed to a number of organizational features of the two systems that make performance-based evaluations more difficult in Russia than in China. In particular, we find that in contrast to China, provincial leaders in Russia are unlikely to be promoted for performance, have a lower turnover, are almost never transferred from one region to another, have less experience in executive positions, are more likely to come from the region they govern than their Chinese counterparts, and are not encouraged to show initiative in economic policy making.
Added: Nov 27, 2014
Working paper
Marques II I. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2017. No. WP BRP 56/PS/2017.
How do political connections shape the propensity of firms to make investments in weakly institutionalized settings? Traditionally, absent ways to hold the state accountable, firms should withhold investment for fear of predation. An emerging body of work on the political economy of investment has highlighted the competitive advantages that direct political connections with officials can bring to firms in institutionally weak environments with low accountability. These advantages, particularly privileged protection of property rights, can decrease uncertainty and promote investment even absent traditional accountability mechanisms. This paper applies these insights to a particularly risky form of investment for firms: public-private partnerships (PPP) with the state to develop skill. Skill development investments are riskier than average, since they require firms to reveal trade secrets about their production, engage in long-term interactions, and can be poached by free-riding rival firms. This paper argues that these risks can be overcome by a strong state partner (i.e. PPP), albeit this creates new risks in weakly institutionalized environments if the lower-level officials responsible for implementing agreements cannot be held accountable for agreements and can shirk. This paper argues that political connections provide the means for states to create credible commitment, as they give firms access to power that can enable them to monitor lower-level officials, call attention to misbehavior, and thus punish deviations from PPP agreements. It outlines the ways in which various types of political connections state ownership, direct officeholding, employing former officials, via formal consultative organs , and acquaintanceship can enable firms to hold lower-level offi- cials accountable and engender credible commitment. These arguments are then tested using data from an original survey of 690 firms in 12 Russian regions.
Added: Jan 18, 2018
Working paper
Rochlitz M. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2016. No. WP BRP 34/PS/2016 .
Electoral authoritarian regimes often rely on patron-client relationships and political machines to win elections. While a growing literature has focused on the reasons why authoritarian regimes might want to hold elections, the economic consequences associated with the need to win elections have been less intensely studied. In this paper, we argue that while holding elections might offer authoritarian regimes a range of informational and other advantages in the short and medium run, the long-term economic costs can be significant and potentially destabilizing. This effect is especially strong in transition economies, where outdated and inefficient economic structures might be kept alive for political reasons. The theory is tested with an original dataset of gubernatorial appointments from a leading electoral authoritarian regime, the Russian Federation. We find that by incentivizing regional governors to use their political machines to win elections for the regime, the Kremlin effectively punishes those governors that are successfully developing their regional economies, with the effect being especially strong in regions where a high percentage of the population lives in Soviet-era single company towns.
Added: May 17, 2016
Working paper
Kazun A. D., Semykina K. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2018. No. WP BRP 62/PS/2018.
The study analyzes the construction of the network links of Vladimir Putin and Alexei Navalny with various issues of Russian public discussion in the national print media. The theoretical framework is issue ownership theory, according to which political actors have a range of issues that are most strongly associated with them. Ownership by the politician of topics that are perceived as important in the society determines his popularity among the population. In this study, we use the Integrum database, which contains extensive print media archives of approximately 500 Russian magazines and more than 250 national newspapers. We analyze the period from 12.12.2016 to 12.12.2017, i.е., one year after Alexey Navalny's announcement of his intention to participate in the presidential election in 2018. The analysis shows that Putin has more opportunities to form an agenda, as he attracts much more attention from national media than Navalny does. Putin is often mentioned in connection with economic issues and international relations, which attract the attention of the population and are perceived as important, while his activity in these spheres is perceived as successful. Navalny is associated with the issues of corruption, NGOs and civic activism. Corruption is an important topic for Russians, but the low attention of the media to Navalny does not allow him to gain the maximum benefit from owning this story.
Added: Jun 19, 2019
Working paper
Kazun A. D., Semykina K. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2018. No. WP BRP 62/PS/2018.
The study analyzes the construction of the network links of Vladimir Putin and Alexei Navalny with various issues of Russian public discussion in the national print media. The theoretical framework is issue ownership theory, according to which political actors have a range of issues that are most strongly associated with them. Ownership by the politician of topics that are perceived as important in the society determines his popularity among the population. In this study, we use the Integrum database, which contains extensive print media archives of approximately 500 Russian magazines and more than 250 national newspapers. We analyze the period from 12.12.2016 to 12.12.2017, i.е., one year after Alexey Navalny's announcement of his intention to participate in the presidential election in 2018. The analysis shows that Putin has more opportunities to form an agenda, as he attracts much more attention from national media than Navalny does. Putin is often mentioned in connection with economic issues and international relations, which attract the attention of the population and are perceived as important, while his activity in these spheres is perceived as successful. Navalny is associated with the issues of corruption, NGOs and civic activism. Corruption is an important topic for Russians, but the low attention of the media to Navalny does not allow him to gain the maximum benefit from owning this story.
Added: May 17, 2018
Working paper
Melville A. Y., Stukal D. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2012. No. 07.
  The relationship between  stateness and state capacity, on the one hand, and  political regimes and their dynamics, on the other,  has  received  increasing attention in  comparative politics  in recent years. Though empirical research does not provide consistent findings, arguments  currently  under discussion vary from “stateness first” (democratization only after effective state-building) to “building or rebuilding  the ship of state while at sea” (state-building and democratization as complements). Several studies reveal a J-curve link connecting autocracy and  democracy to levels of state capacity,  implying that autocratic regimes have higher state capacity than hybrid ones. This paper questions  these claims and reveals that democratization may start at low levels of state capacity, although democratic consolidation occurs at high levels of state capacity. Using a post-Communist sample, we reveal no J-shaped relationship between state capacity and political regime. We also show that state capacity does not remain unchanged in periods of social and political upheavals and its dynamics in numerous cases stipulate changes in the level of democracy. Particular patterns of this relationship are discussed in the paper in the context of clusters of post-Communist regime transformations.    
Added: Jan 17, 2013
Working paper
Antonov M. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2017. No. WP BRP 45/PS/2017 .
This paper analyses the cultural constraints that are factually imposed on the actors of the Russian legal system by the prevailing social philosophy which is characterized by a significant degree of religious conservatism. This conservatism is predictably opposed to sexual minorities and to those who want to defend or justify them. Examining the 2013 amendments on the protection of traditional values and the case law concerning these amendments, along with the discourses of some judges of the Russian Constitutional Court (RCC) and other actors, the author concludes that religious conceptions have a strong impact on decision-making in Russian courts, and can sometimes overrule the formal provisions of the Russian Constitution and the laws which grant protection and guarantees to the sexual minorities. This situation can be explained with reference to the prevailing social philosophy which promotes conservative values and emphasises collective interests. The reasons for this specific development of Russian intellectual culture in this regard fall outside the scope of the present paper, but it can be asserted that this development, historically oriented at prioritizing morals and religion over the law, still shapes the general conservative attitudes of Russians toward sexual minorities. These attitudes cannot be ignored by judges and other actors of Russian legal system who, to some extent, are subject to the general perception of what is just, acceptable, and reasonable in the society. 
Added: Mar 12, 2017
Working paper
Kulkova A. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2014. No. 20.
The paper argues that religiosity is one of the potential determinants of political participation in Russia. A complex model of religiosity is applied, which treats individual religiosity as both belonging to religious tradition and religious behavior, while political participation includes voting, attending demonstrations, signing petitions and participating in electoral campaigns. The aim of this research is to identify whether there is a difference in political participation between religious and non-religious Russians, and between followers of different religious traditions and atheists. Secondly, it is important to explore which of the measurements of religiosity, religious tradition or religious behavior have the most powerful effect on Russians’ political participation. The data for the statistical analysis is from the European Social Survey (6th round), which includes representatives of major religious traditions in Russia. 
Added: Dec 3, 2014
Working paper
Medushevsky A. N. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2015. No. WP BRP 27/PS/2015 .
Transitional constitutionalism remains the subject of intensive political controversies. On the ground of the Project realized by the Institute of Law and Public Policy (Moscow) this article presents the analysis of the basic constitutional principles (pluralism, separation of powers, federalism, independence of justice, the guarantees of political rights and freedoms) describing the changing character of their implementation in different areas of constitutional practices – legislation, constitutional justice, administrative activity and informal practices and the comparative level of constitutional deviations in each of them. The important new acquirement of this research is the concept and methodology of the constitutional monitoring and recommendations for the full-scale reforms in key areas of Russian constitutional and political settlement. The author shows that the true choice of modern society is not the dilemma - constitutionalism versus its negation but the choice between real and sham constitutionalism with a big variety of intermediate options between them. It is precisely the area, which the author defines as a transitional type of constitutionalism, the field of collision of different political stakeholders. This is an area of unstable equilibrium where the implementation of different legal strategies and technologies may produce a definitive effect.
Added: Nov 13, 2015
Working paper
Turovsky R. F., Marina Sukhova. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2017. No. WP BRP 55/PS/2017.
This research is focused on the issue of differences in results received in elections for regional and federal legislatures that are held according to the proportional system. In particular, the question of whether the authorities’ decision to favour the combination of synchronous regional and federal elections has proved effective. This research showed that, in simultaneous elections held at different territorial levels, United Russia always delivers better results at a federal level than at a regional level, while oppositional parties, conversely, perform better at a regional level than they do at a federal level. This can be explained by the phenomenon of strategic voting, according to which voters prefer to cast their votes for more stable and major players in federal elections, and that they are more likely to vote sincerely in regional elections. However, in separate elections these trends are not retained, and United Russia in particular has been noted to perform better in regional campaigns held during the inter-election period, than it did in the preceding and subsequent federal elections. Analysis of the degree of competitiveness showed that differences in the level of competitiveness in federal and regional elections are almost always lower in combined elections than in separate elections.
Added: Dec 5, 2017
Working paper
Foa R., Nemirovskaya A. Political Science. PS. Высшая школа экономики, 2014. No. 13.
How is state capacity consolidated? While there is a growing literature on state formation and the rise of state capacity over time, this literature typically deals with differences between countries, neglecting the fact that state formation also occurs differentially within a country over time. This article examines legacies of state formation spatially, by looking at variation within “frontier” states – countries which in recent centuries have extended rule over new territories adjacent to their core regions. Frontier zones within such countries are found to have ongoing lower levels of public order and deficient public goods provision. Several theories are examined to explain this discrepancy, including internal resettlement, costs of monitoring and enforcement, and the relationship between settlers and the indigenous population. It is argued that the formation of strong social institutions among settlers leads to resistance to attempts to impose governance over frontier regions, and to 'select for' lower fiscal capacity and lower provision of public goods.
Added: Jun 19, 2014