The research is devoted to the effects of evolution electoral systems to politics. The article analyses results of the electoral reform in Russian Federation from the point of view of elite representation. It is stated on the basis of the frequency analyses that legislative changes in countries of the electoral authoritarianism are aimed at preserving the status quo within elites. The study finds out that the proportion of regional, national and business elite representation is retained in the Russian State Duma of three terms convocations (2003, 2007, 2011).
The article undertakes a comparative analysis of party systems concentrating on the evolution of parties and party systems since World Was Two and particularly in the last decades of the 20th century following drastic redefininion of political regimes; it also analyzes modern trends in development of parties in countries that either underwent democratization or ended up with political regimes in which one or more parties operate. The comparison is based on a set of quantitative criteria evaluating the efficiency of party system. The article distinguishes three scenarios, and analyses for each scenario functions of political parties and trends of its evolution: the first scenario is tentative limitation of political pluralism; the second os “linear” development of multiparty systems; and the third is long-term period of limited competition in party space.
The analysis of transitional party system confirms applicability of our criteria for evaluation of the processes of evolution of political parties. In societies undergoing profound transformation of political systems, parties developed in a matter of decades into full-fledged political institutions and actors. Parties in non-post-Communist European countries are nowadays comparable by substantive characteristics and efficience with “old” democracies. In other parts of the world, such as Latin America, Asia, western part of post-communist space and selected ex-Soviet republics parties did not reach similar levels of stability and efficiency, but also became valid political actors and implement the same set of functions.
In a number of other post-Soviet states we find regimes with one predominant party, intertwined with the presidential power and bureacrtic pyramid. Such states form a continuum from fully authoritarian regimes to regimes with limited competition. Dominant parties is such regimes perform a set of fuction, which is more narrow in comparison with pluralistic and competitive regimes; it particularly concerns fuctions pertinent to interaction between parties and societies; yet, the role of such parties in political system of its respective countries is quite important.
Many of the “deficiencies” of the political parties de facto constitute “growing pains” and do not cancel successes attained by these polities in building viable parties and party systems, or, in a broader sense, in democratization. The analysis drives us to a conclusion that in countries reaching a certain threshold of socio-economic and political development, emergence of political parties and party systems constitutes a general trend: universal in cases of at least minimally successful democratization and frequent even in hybrid and authoritarian regimes.
Russia is a country of great complexity—eighty-nine subject regions, ethnic diversity, economic variance across regions, the power struggle of Moscow versus the regions—and multiple realities—urban versus rural, rich versus poor, and cosmopolitan versus provincial, just to name a few. Fragmented Space in the Russian Federation explores Russia's complexity and the meanings of the country's internal borders, the future of its agricultural spaces, the development of its political parties, and the effect of its federal organization.
The contributors examine stratification, citizenship, federalization, democratization, the politics of culture and identity, and globalization. These essays show how political leaders within Russia and scholars and policymakers from outside must accept the country's complexity and view uncertainty as a positive development rather than a liability. The authors explore how Russian experience can enhance theory political science, sociology, geography, and economics.
Smoking is a problem, bringing signifi cant social and economic costs to Russiansociety. However, ratifi cation of the World health organization Framework conventionon tobacco control makes it possible to improve Russian legislation accordingto the international standards. So, I describe some measures that should be taken bythe Russian authorities in the nearest future, and I examine their effi ciency. By studyingthe international evidence I analyze the impact of the smoke-free areas, advertisementand sponsorship bans, tax increases, etc. on the prevalence of smoking, cigaretteconsumption and some other indicators. I also investigate the obstacles confrontingthe Russian authorities when they introduce new policy measures and the public attitudetowards these measures. I conclude that there is a number of easy-to-implementanti-smoking activities that need no fi nancial resources but only a political will.
One of the most important indicators of company's success is the increase of its value. The article investigates traditional methods of company's value assessment and the evidence that the application of these methods is incorrect in the new stage of economy. So it is necessary to create a new method of valuation based on the new main sources of company's success that is its intellectual capital.