Land, Votes, and Violence: Political Effects of the Insecure Property Rights over Land in Dagestan
The case of a Sufi shrine of the Dagestani origin in Turkey examined in the article relates to the history of shared transnational Sufi networks. The naqshbandiyya-halidiya brotherhood of the Ottoman origin once moved from the Middle East to Russia’s borderlands in the Eastern Caucasus and then came back to the Ottoman Empire from the North Caucasus. Dagestani Sufi networks and holy places represent a specific kind of interactions between the Muslim elites in the Middle East, the North Caucasus, the Volga-Ural region, and Anatolia from the late nineteenth century up today. The biographies of Muhammad and Sharaf ad-Din from Kikuni buried in Turkey are well documented in various written sources, epigraphs, and oral histories. They participated in the 1877 Uprising, were exiled in the Volga region, and then immigrated to the Ottoman Empire. Their biographies show that the Naqshbandiya-Khalidiyya often crossed political boundaries and ideological barriers established in the region during the demarcation of the possessions of the Ottoman Turkey and the Russian Empire. The exchange of territories and subjects between Turkey and Russia over the past one and a half centuries led to the emergence of hybrid identities. The article traces a micro-history of an identity in a muhajir (immigrant) village community in Western Anatolia. Contrary to popular belief, the Sufi brotherhood never represented a single elusive player in the “Big Game” between the Great Powers. Rather, it included numerous rival factions whose leaders formed complex relations with each other and with local political elites. Sufi ritual networks were and still are closely connected to more local networks of sacred sites (ziyarats) in the regions.
To what extend are Russian state agencies involved in predatory behaviour, and what are the determinants of their activities? Analysing a novel dataset containing 312 cases of illegal corporate raiding (reiderstvo) between 1999 and 2010, this paper identifies a shift both in the regional and sectoral distribution of raiding attacks over time, as well as an increasing participation of state agencies in criminal raiding attacks. Using panel regression analysis to look at the determinants of increasing state involvement, I find that election results for the ruling president and his party, as well as the degree to which elections are manipulated throughout Russia’s regions are significantly and positively correlated with the number of raiding attacks in a given region, while regions with governors that have stronger local ties are characterized by a smaller number of attacks. A potential interpretation of these findings is that the federal centre might tolerate a certain degree of predatory activities by regional elites, as long as these elites are able to deliver a sufficiently high level of electoral support for the centre, with the effect being weaker in regions where the governor is interested in the long-term development of the regional economy.
The Reader includes commented Russian translations of the major normative texts on Islamic and customary law in Arabic which were composed in Dagestan from the 17th through the first third of the 20th centuries. Most of these monuments were never published in Russian. A considerable part of them is kept in manuscripts in state and private collections. These works and documents show a gradual transformation of Muslim legal culture, power and society after the North Caucasus was involved in the political and legal space of tsarist and early Soviet Russia. In addition, the book includes studies on the history of Islamic justice and law in the region introducing readers into the current state of international research in this field. The focus is made on theory and practice of Islamic and customary law, treatiseas on different questions of fiqh, legal deeds and legislation/ The reader addresses first of all to undergraduate students specializing on history, law and culture of Islam in Russia. It can be used as a reference book in university courses related to particularities of Islamic and customary law in Russia as well as to a general history of Islam and Muslim societies in the colonial period in Russia and worldwide.
This study examines intercultural relations in the Republic of Dagestan (RD) in the North Caucasus, Russia. RD is the most multicultural and multilingual republic in the Russian Federation. The research used the hypotheses and measures developed in the MIRIPS project (http://www.victoria.ac.nz/cacr/research/mirips). Our goal was to test three hypotheses: the multiculturalism hypothesis, the integration hypothesis, and the contact hypothesis. We also examined the role of a separation strategy in intercultural relations. The sample included members of the largest ethnic groups of RD: Avars (N = 100), Dargins (N = 116), Russians (N = 101) and members of other ethnic groups, such as Kumyks, Lezgins, Tabasarans, (N = 121). Data processing was carried out using structural equation modeling (SEM) separately for the ethnic groups, and simultaneously for the whole sample. The results showed that perceived security promoted support for multicultural ideology, tolerance, and integration among the whole sample. The contact hypothesis was not supported: number and frequency of friendly intercultural contacts had no significant impact on tolerance and integration in the whole sample. Preference for integration promoted life satisfaction and self-esteem in the whole sample. We also found that the separation strategy was positively associated with life satisfaction among members of ethnic groups in RD.