Арены участия: Россия в европейском контексте
The article is focused on the problem of the legislative regulation of the consideration of child's opinion with regard to the issues of his/her family upbringing as well related to the civil participation. Key norms of Russian legislation along with practice of its implementation are analyzed. The analysis of the major obstacles to the realization of the child’s participation in public life in Russia is given, an amendment to the legislation is proposed.
A phenomenon of the “spring of protest” has generated significant attention of scholars and has been observed and analyzed with various perspectives—ranging from the withdrawal of the state’s capacity for public goods, an interactive and horizontal social-mediated space, the shrinkage of the middle-class indifference, demands for accountability, rampant corruption, etc. This chapter is an attempt to address a methodological problem of understanding the origin, preconditions, structure, and social foundations of significant and lasting street protests that have appeared spontaneously and almost simultaneously in the varied scattered geographical space of South of Asia, Africa, and South of America (collectively the Global South) and comparing them with the protests in Southern Europe. Microanalysis of the resources, networks, and political attitudes that contribute to protests has been studied by different scholars. The protests have a transnational character but are also strongly influenced by local frameworks.
While the cases are different in Southern Europe and the Global South, this chapter argues the overarching similarities about the emergence of the publics as watchdogs. This chapter observes with the timeline of 2011 the unfolding of the protests that gets organized with a meta-narrative coalescing and converging with a centrifugal force connected around the troubled messages. This public demands accountability and participation in the governance process while keeping their protesting platform leadership horizontal, spot-on, circular, and mainly non-stream and through a range of mediated networks thus further consolidating the gains for the unheard multitudes.
The article discusses the opportunities of city dwellers civic participation in the urban decision making. The theoretical background of the article is both L. Thevenot’s pragmatic sociology and Sh. Arstein’s “a ladder of citizen participation”. The empirical base of the study consists of a series of semi-structured interviews with members of garage spots owners in St. Petersburg, involved in urban contestation against enormous garage demolition. The author concludes that the possessors of garage spots resorts to the large range of instruments of urban space contestation in view of legal actions are found unproductive. The strong advocacy groups (city authorities and buildings developers) appeals to norms and lows largely, but also they addresses to the variety of the other instruments for legitimating their actions though. As a result, the interaction among urban activists and city authorities occurs in the level of “therapy”, “informing” and “manipulation”, according to the Arstein’s terminology.
Collection included scientific articles of Russian and German authors covering wide spectrum of topics, connected with citizenship in Russia and European Union member-states. Authors consider issues of social integration and legal status of migrants, civic participation, democratic citizenship culture and civil self-consciousness both in Russia and European Union. This book oriented on scientists, researchers, PhD and MA students in sociological, historical and political sciences.
It is on the basis of modern approaches provided by the new institutional theory that in the present article the institution of civil participation is reappraised as an integral phenomenon securing inclusion of citizens into the political government process. Characterization and analysis of the evolution and of the current state of the institution of civil participation are offered. As is demonstrated by the investigation developed, there are few real public entities, and civil entities are in minority. Nevertheless civil entities, because they possess qualities of a competent political actor, of a self-dependent subject of politics, with welldeveloped social practical skills, are able to form - and in reality do form - a new, not an imitative, but a real institution of civil participation oriented at citizens needs for influencing the process of political decision-making.