Владимир Вернадский, «академическая революция» 1917–1918 гг. и украинская эмиграция
Article analyzes the position of famous naturalist Vladimir Vernadsky in period 1917-1918, and his active participation in the reorganization of university education in Petrograd Provisional government , and in revolutionary Kiev . Vernadsky opponents in Kiev were as nationally minded Ukrainian intellectuals (like historian Hrushevsky ) and conservative professors former Imperial University of St.. Vladimir in Kiev . These contradictions and conflicts affected and then on different assessments " academic revolution " in Kiev and Ukraine among Ukrainian and Russian emigration after 1922.
Eugenij Anisimov notes the high level of research made by Tatiana Tairova-Yakovleva, in particular considering the pieces about Ukrainian history. He notes that the problem of treason by I. Mazepa can be interpreted more generally and the fact of treason undoubtly took place.
Alexander Besov believes that the book about Hetman Mazepa by Tatiana Tairova-Yakovleva focuses rather on teleology than history. However, he fi nds the way of the author’s interpretation of the «Russia-Ukraine relations» in late 17th - early 18th centuries quite mistakable.
Alexander Kamenskii thinks that Tatiana Tairova’s book is a serious attempt of constructing a scholar biography of Ivan Mazepa. In several cases she has managed to refute some myths in historiography. One may hope that the book will stimulate other historians to conduct further research. However, they will not be able to ignore Tairova’s conception.
A. S. Karevin considers that Tairova-Yakovleva’s book is full of numerous mistakes, contradictions and baseless conclusions. The drawbacks make us not to regard the book as established scientifi c study.
Kirill Kochegarov fi nds that Mrs. Tairova-Yakovleva’s book combine several interesting observations with unacceptable and controversial points. In generally the very idea of the study seems to idealize the Mazepa personality as well as his policy. The author also overestimates the importance of the so-called Moscow clauses, grossly exaggerates Mazepa’s participation in the Russian foreign affairs, and erroneously regards centralizing military administration measures of Russian government as large-scale administrative reform in Ukraine. Moreover, active role in Church reform of Peter the Great declared by Mrs. Tairova-Yakovleva Mazepa’s has not been proved.
Igor Kurukin: Despite the information on administrative reform of 1707 (s.322-330) given by the author, it isn’t clear, was the Ukrainian autonomy liquidated or not. There is a disputable question on what extend was Mazepa supported by the Ukraine people as well as cossack «starshina». Provinces being attached to Russia Baltic were able to remain independent for one and a half centuries. Being different by birth Ukrainian elite did’t manage to develop rules of corporate behavior and solidarity.
Plokhii Serhii: The myth of Mazepa as betrayer have been solidly examined in Mrs. Tairova-Yakovleva’s scientifi c and creative lab. The author has succeed in showing — and more carefully than her redecessor — the diffi culty of both personal and public, geopolitics, choice which Mazepa had to make. The book is, if it is a proper name, the most balanced judgment of the hetman I have ever read.
Chukhlib Taras. The violation of oath to the Russian monarch by Ukrainian Hetmanstate was interpreted by Ivan Mazepa and his government as tyrannical action of Peter the Great. Therefore, the hetman received the right to refuse from «the high hand» of tsar and look for another suzerain to maintain his vassal autonomy.
T. H. Tairova-Yakovleva finds this decision quite adequate and revealing us the logic of actions of the Ukrainian leader.
Seit Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts, vor allem aber seit Anfang der 1920er Jahre war Berlin für Juden aus Osteuropa Zuflucht und Zwischenstation. Die deutsche Metropole wurde eines der größten Migrationszentren in Europa. Die jüdischen Einwanderer aus Osteuropa waren zumeist Kriegs-, Pogrom- und Revolutionsflüchtlinge. Sie unterschieden sich nach Sozialstatus ebenso wie nach kulturellen und politischen Optionen. Verbunden waren sie jedoch durch Erinnerungen an das, was sie erlebt und zurückgelassen hatten. Viele der Migranten lebten im Scheunenviertel, andere im bürgerlichen Charlottenburg, das aufgrund des hohen russischen Anteils der Bevölkerung auch Charlottengrad genannt wurde. Das erlebte Leid und die Erfahrungen in der Fremde trennten die Flüchtlinge von der deutschen Gesellschaft. Gleichzeitig kam es aber - vor allem in Kreisen der Arbeiterbewegung und der Literaturavantgarde - zu Verflechtungen und Wechselwirkungen west- und osteuropäischer Einflüsse. Die Einwanderer machten Berlin zu einem Zentrum jüdischer Kultur und waren zugleich Teil der multikulturellen Stadtlandschaft. Ihre Erfahrungen, Weltwahrnehmungen und Überlebensstrategien in der Großstadt stehen im Mittelpunkt des Bandes. Etwa die Hälfte der Beiträge ist in englischer Sprache verfasst.
This paper analyzes Belarus energy system, relations between Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia in the framework of the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space. The consequences of the recent political crisis in Ukraine will inevitably lead to the review of the relations between the European Union and Russia. In these new conditions, the members of the Common Economic Space of Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia must develop a new concept of energy security. This new concept should allow to decrease substantially the influence of the export of hydrocarbons on the economic development of abovementioned countries, thus increasing the competitiveness of their national economies. As a first measure, the members of the Eurasian Union should create the single energy market
An analysis of the historical basis of Benya Krik (1926) film after I. Babel's script, directed by V. Vilner. More precisely, an analysis of how art transforms reality and then, in turn, forms our perceptions about historical reality. The film was quickly taken off the screen for 'poeticizing banditism'. The prototype for Benya Krik, the character of Babel's Oddesa Tales, is Mishka the Japanese. It was a nickname of Moisei Vinnitskiy - an Odessa raider and a commander of a Red Army unit, who was in the end killed in a Cheka operation.
Since the fall of Communism in the Soviet Union the historiography of revolutionary Russia has developed a distinct provincial turn. The opening of Soviet central and provincial archives provided new research opportunities to historians. Numerous articles and volumes focusing on Russia’s provinces have since appeared on both sides of the former Soviet border, and the historiography of the Russian revolution matured with an accelerated speed to account for multiple local variables. The understanding of multiplicity of local experiences profoundly changed and challenged the historical interpretations of the crisis that played out in Russia from 1917 to 1921. The article discusses the variety of local revolutionary experiences as they are revealed in recent historiography, but also focuses on some larger themes and issues where this regional perspective provides new insights and affects the general understanding of the Russian revolution. In particular, it discusses the factors contributing to the disintegration and reconstruction of the state, including the patterns and meaning of power in a provincial context, mechanisms of popular mobilization in the civil-war period including in Russia’s non-Russian regions, as well as transition to peace.
This paper investigates the language situation in Moscow schools with an ethnocultural component – a new form of national schools. The analysis is based on interviews which were recorded in 2007, in two Moscow schools, one of them with Armenian ethno-cultural component, and the other, with Azeri. The sample included ten students from each school (five boys and five girls).
In the paper the process of linguistic integration of Azeri and Armenian children into modern Russian society is analyzed. The comparison between these two groups is particularly appealing, because the effects of Soviet Russification, and the language situations in general, were different in Armenia and in Azerbaijan. I show that this difference influences the use of language by Azeri and Armenian children.
The chapter examines the origins of Jewish pogroms during the Civil War in Russia (1918-1921), shows the genetic connection between the "military pogroms" of the World War I and pogroms of the Civil War. Among other issues, the article analyzes the motive of a "shot in the back" as a pretext for pogroms.
The recent crisis in Ukraine cast a spotlight on those countries located between Russia and the EU, a region that had long existed beneath the radar of international politics. Indeed, even its name remains indeterminate: the term 'post-Soviet' is too encompassing (it could also designate Estonia or Tajikistan) while the notion of 'Eastern Europe' has long lost any geographical anchor. Instead, this space is often named after regional powers’ attempts to shape it: as the EU’s 'Eastern Neighbourhood' or as Russia’s 'Near Abroad'. The new region-building endeavour pursued by Russia through Eurasian integration frameworks is a crucial development in this regard.
On the 29 of May 2014, Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan signed the Treaty establishing the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), which extends the provisions of the existing Eurasian Customs Union (ECU) and comes into being in 2015. This integration regime has been lauded by Russian President Vladimir Putin as a new, better version of the European Union, and castigated by US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton as a new form of the Soviet Union. This report shows that it is neither. The EEU is a modern and far-reaching attempt at economic integration, but one that is weakened by internal and conceptual contradictions. What was designed as a geo-economic framework is increasingly becoming a geopolitical issue. In attempting to counter the influence of the EU’s alternative integration regime (the Eastern Partnership), Russia has shifted its diplomacy from persuasion to coercion, and Moscow is increasingly resorting to using the EEU as a foreign policy tool. The countries of the entredeux – literally, something placed between two things – are being forced to face to a geopolitical choice they had been trying to avoid, or at least to defuse. Divisive domestic politics, separatism, structural dependencies and the economic and political calculations of internal actors are key factors mediating and complicating their choice. This report focuses on these issues that are too often overlooked in the debate on Russia-EU regional competition.
In 2004 the "Orange Revolution" put Ukraine back on Europe's mental map and the new government made entry into the EU a priority. But imperial-era preconceptions still influence foreign attitudes towards Ukraine and in Ukraine political independence from Russia is not matched by economic, cultural and psychological independence. Ukraine's pro-EU leaders not only face entrenched political rivals who maintain the institutional infrastructure of Russian language-use and promote pro-Russian nostalgia for the soviet past, they must deal with foreign business people whose activities keep Ukraine in the Russian-language communications sphere and politicians afraid of "fragmenting Russia". This book surveys the Ukrainian-EU relationship in light of the legacies of Russian rule. Its authors review and examine not only existing policies but also the long-term underlying interrelationships between national identities, loyalties, political/cultural orientations and political trends.