In this book Boris Kagarlitsky studies political crisis of international left showing how it is organically connected to the crisis of capitalism. Contrary to common belief, difficulties experienced by the capitalist system and dominant neoliberal ideology are not creating new opportunities for the left. Instead of moving forward in the context of this crisis the left is revealing its weaknesses and political limitations demonstrating to which extent it became itself part of the current system and its ideas are representing nothing more but a radical version of the very same dominant bourgeois ideology replacing the logic of class struggle by the concept of minority rights. The left is in crisis everywhere from Latin America to Ukraine and from Western Europe to Russia. In this context however it is even more important to examine a few existing success stories such as the election of Jeremy Corbyn to Labour leadership in Britain and growing popularity of senator Bernie Sanders in the US. These successes may be seen as signs of a new emerging trend but this assumption can only be valid if we see these developments as a beginning of a totally new radical politics overcoming the dominant logic of liberal political correctness. Only returning to the agenda of class may save the day for the left. However this will also work only if the left recognises that the class structure of capitalist society itself changed dramatically and needs to be reexamined. Repeating the slogans of the 20th century will not work. One has to understand and represent current needs and interests of the toiling masses building up a new program reflecting this reality, developing new practices of solidarity and addressing the issue of power seriously.
The book is addressed to a broad audience interested in political studies, sociology and political economy.  

In this book Boris Kagarlitsky studies political crisis of international left showing how it is organically connected to the crisis of capitalism. Contrary to common belief, difficulties experienced by the capitalist system and dominant neoliberal ideology are not creating new opportunities for the left. Instead of moving forward in the context of this crisis the left is revealing its weaknesses and political limitations demonstrating to which extent it became itself part of the current system and its ideas are representing nothing more but a radical version of the very same dominant bourgeois ideology replacing the logic of class struggle by the concept of minority rights. The left is in crisis everywhere from Latin America to Ukraine and from Western Europe to Russia. In this context however it is even more important to examine a few existing success stories such as the election of Jeremy Corbyn to Labour leadership in Britain and growing popularity of senator Bernie Sanders in the US. These successes may be seen as signs of a new emerging trend but this assumption can only be valid if we see these developments as a beginning of a totally new radical politics overcoming the dominant logic of liberal political correctness. Only returning to the agenda of class may save the day for the left. However this will also work only if the left recognises that the class structure of capitalist society itself changed dramatically and needs to be reexamined. Repeating the slogans of the 20th century will not work. One has to understand and represent current needs and interests of the toiling masses building up a new program reflecting this reality, developing new practices of solidarity and addressing the issue of power seriously.
The book is addressed to a broad audience interested in political studies, sociology and political economy.

  This monograph explores the mechanisms and conditions of forming a negative legal consciousness in our society. This tradition had already stabilized by the end of the 19th century, which is why the question of forming a legal consciousness and the essence of law arises. This paper is devoted to addressing these theoretical and methodological issues. The author reviews the mechanisms underlying the development of law, starting with the ‘universal level of law’ inherent in relationships between animals. Drawing on studies by ethologists and political anthropologists, it offers a logical model according to which the development of society is determined by the degree of individuals’ integration, which leads to the formation of a requirement for trust as a fundamental category of human existence and to the allocation of the role of the exclusiveness category for the formation of society. This allows a common model for mechanisms of justice to be formed and for the nature of law itself to be determined.
The book is intended for specialists in the fields of philosophy, law, social and historical psychology, cultural theory and political science, as well as for those who are interested in social philosophy and methodologies used in the study of social problems.

The book of philosopher and psychoanalyst Alexander Smulyansky explores the connection between the paternal metaphor and the instance of “the analyst’s desire”. Jacques Lacan, who was conducting such a study in the mid-20th century, was not able to present its results due to his expulsion from the International Psychoanalytical Association and deprivation of the right to train analysts in 1963. The fact that the connection between the paternal metaphor and the instance of “the analyst’s desire” was not fully delineated, soon after Lacan’s death led to the analytical discourse getting interfused with that of the university, where this desire took a secondary position as one of the regulators of the analyst’s behavior during sessions, and the question of its untamed and underexplored sources brought up by Lacan  was removed from the agenda. The book aims to get back to this question, trace the origins of the analyst’s desire to the desire of Freud, and explore on this basis the origins of psychoanalytical practice, at the same time arguing the unavoidable character of its unrelenting intradepartmental conflicts. 
This book is designed for psychologists, psychoanalysts, philosophers, and culturologists.