Япония и японцы: учебное пособие по страноведению
The reforms of the Meiji period should be recognized as extremely successful. Their program was promulgated at the very beginning of the Meiji reign and was recorded in the “Five charter oath” (1868). Meiji promised Shinto gods to make decisions based on “public gatherings” – and a parliament was created in the country (1889). Meiji promised that the ruling and the ruled should become closer to each other – and the medieval gap between the authorities and the subjects really narrowed, and the Japanese nation was formed from scattered territorial, class, confessional and professional groups. The third point about the development of personal initiative was also implemented. First of all, it refers to entrepreneurship in all its manifestations. It is precisely because of this that Japan has managed to accelerate industrialization. The fourth paragraph was about reforming the “bad habits of the past” and introducing governance in accordance with the principles of Heaven and Earth, which is usually understood as fair governance in accordance with the laws. The estate right was abolished, the law became one for all. The fifth paragraph talked about Japan’s greater openness to the world and about the development of education. This goal was certainly also achieved.
The article traces how the image of the Ainu formed by Japanese intellectuals in 18th and early 19th centuries influenced the formation of Japan’s policy towards this ethnic minority in the Meiji period (1868-1912).
The present edition of the “Yearbook Japan” presents articles by Russian and foreign researchers traditionally covering a wide range of issues on Japan and Russo-Japanese relations – foreign policy and domestic politics, economy and society, history and culture of Japan. The special topic of this issue is “Reforms and transfomation in the contemporary history of Japan and Russia (on the 150th anniversary of the Meiji Restoration and 100th anniversary of the Russian revolution”). The edition is intended for specialists in regional Japanese studies as well as for the general public.
The article examines the role of Japan in the settlement of the situation on the Korean peninsula. The serious aggravation of relations between the United States and the DPRK in 2017 unexpectedly ended with the first ever US-North Korean summit in Singapore. The results of the summit are assessed ambiguously, but the very fact of direct contact between the leaders of the United States and the DPRK contributed to strengthening confidence between countries and easing tensions on the Korean peninsula. Remarkably, the change in rhetoric of Tokyo, which traditionally adheres to a rigid line with regard to the DPRK and considers maximum pressure the only way to achieve a result in relations with the North Korean regime. The question of the destruction of DPRK medium and short-range missiles that can hit targets on the territory of the country is of exceptional importance for Japan's national security. The rapid development of the situation, the unpredictable policy of US President D.Trump aroused Tokyo's fears that Washington could make a deal with the DPRK, allowing to preserve medium-range missiles in exchange for refusing to develop long-range ballistic missiles. In such circumstances, it would be very reckless to rely only on promises from its overseas ally. Therefore, on the eve of the meeting in Singapore, Prime Minister S.Abe expressed his desire to hold a summit meeting between Japan and the DPRK. The problem of normalization of relations with the DPRK will allow S.Abe not only to remove the threat to the national security of Japan, but also to strengthen the internal political positions, shaken in connection with corruption.
The book is dedicated to the classic Japanese novel Genji Monogatari. The issues of its translation, and interpretation, cultural meanings are discussed.
Invaluable role of Korean youth in the national liberation movement of Korea, in the fight against the Japanese colonization of the independence of the homeland. Analysis of activity of Korean youth organizations will allow to identify their role and place in the struggle for independence and its influence on the development of self-consciousness and national consciousness of the Korean youth. The article is devoted to the Korean youth movement in the 1920s. For the first time introduced into circulation new documents and materials from Russian archives, presents an analysis of the structure of various youth organizations, including the first Komsomol organizations in Korea, Manchuria, Japan and Russia. The main goals and objectives of youth organizations were directed not only to fight against the colonial domination of Japan, one of the main tasks of the Korean youth was educational activities directed at the elimination of Korean traditional values, the struggle for equality in society and in the family. Intuitively presented and ideological struggle between youth organizations, religious, socialist, communist and nationalist orientation, covers the activities of the Korean section of the Komsomol Communist Youth International (CIY). Sufficiently clear traced and ideological incompatibility not only in the youth movement, but also in general in the Korean independence movement.
The article traces the history of corporate governance in Japan and its present state.
The article analyzes the prospects for the development of relations between Russia and Japan in the context of the activation of Japanese diplomacy in the Russian direction. In 2016, Prime Minister S. Abe proposed a cooperation program of eight items. Within the framework of this program, more than hundred economic agreements were signed, most of which have not yet been implemented. In the article the author considers the reasons for the slippage of the development of bilateral relations.