Япония и японцы: учебное пособие по страноведению
The proceedings of the III International Scientific Conference of Young Orientalists, which was held at the Institute of Far Eastern Studies in November 2015, cover different aspects of the development of the countries of Northeast Asia and their cooperation with Russia. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the current state and prospects of political, military and economic development of China, Japan, Mongolia, North and South Korea in various fields in the context of the current military and political situation in the world and main regional economic trends. Some issues of cultural, social and historical development of Russia's Far Eastern neighbors are also explored.
The reforms of the Meiji period should be recognized as extremely successful. Their program was promulgated at the very beginning of the Meiji reign and was recorded in the “Five charter oath” (1868). Meiji promised Shinto gods to make decisions based on “public gatherings” – and a parliament was created in the country (1889). Meiji promised that the ruling and the ruled should become closer to each other – and the medieval gap between the authorities and the subjects really narrowed, and the Japanese nation was formed from scattered territorial, class, confessional and professional groups. The third point about the development of personal initiative was also implemented. First of all, it refers to entrepreneurship in all its manifestations. It is precisely because of this that Japan has managed to accelerate industrialization. The fourth paragraph was about reforming the “bad habits of the past” and introducing governance in accordance with the principles of Heaven and Earth, which is usually understood as fair governance in accordance with the laws. The estate right was abolished, the law became one for all. The fifth paragraph talked about Japan’s greater openness to the world and about the development of education. This goal was certainly also achieved.
The article traces how the image of the Ainu formed by Japanese intellectuals in 18th and early 19th centuries influenced the formation of Japan’s policy towards this ethnic minority in the Meiji period (1868-1912).
The present edition of the “Yearbook Japan” presents articles by Russian and foreign researchers traditionally covering a wide range of issues on Japan and Russo-Japanese relations – foreign policy and domestic politics, economy and society, history and culture of Japan. The special topic of this issue is “Reforms and transfomation in the contemporary history of Japan and Russia (on the 150th anniversary of the Meiji Restoration and 100th anniversary of the Russian revolution”). The edition is intended for specialists in regional Japanese studies as well as for the general public.
The article is focused on the concept of “strategic partnership” and its usage in regard to the EU-Japan relations. This term is widely used both in the European and Japanese political practice and was originally introduced to characterize bilateral relations in 2002. On July 18th, 2018 the two sides signed the Strategic Partnership Agreement, which fixes the usage of this term in the legally binding document. However, the term is vague and still has no commonly accepted definition. Research in Japanese and European foreign policy narrative on the “strategic partnership” issue showed that no definition of this term is needed: each specific “strategic partnership” is unique in nature and is named as such for a specific purpose. Employing this approach allowed to finding out what meaning Japanese and European sides imply when naming their relations “strategic” and for what purpose they have been using it so far. The conclusion the author comes to is that the European Union plays the leading role in using the rhetoric of strategic partnerships and applies it in two dimensions. The first, ideological one, implies, that Brussels is striving to spread the rules and norms it shares through interaction with its strategic partners, who are characterized by considerable economic and political weight. Japan is an important like-minded partner of the EU in this regard. The other, pragmatic dimension involves strategic partnership as an instrument for development of informal trust-based relations, which allows the EU to resolve disputes with its strategic partners more effectively. In case of EU-Japan cooperation the problem of lifting European embargo on arms supply to China was a challenge for EU-Japan strategic partnership, which finally ended up with keeping embargo valid and strategic partnership safe. Tokyo, according to the author’s findings, doesn’t have its own structured view on the usage of the strategic partnership concept and applies this term, among others, to the partners not playing a truly strategic role for Japanese diplomacy. Engaging with Brussels, Tokyo, however, fully accepts the rhetoric it practices.
The article examines the role of Japan in the settlement of the situation on the Korean peninsula. The serious aggravation of relations between the United States and the DPRK in 2017 unexpectedly ended with the first ever US-North Korean summit in Singapore. The results of the summit are assessed ambiguously, but the very fact of direct contact between the leaders of the United States and the DPRK contributed to strengthening confidence between countries and easing tensions on the Korean peninsula. Remarkably, the change in rhetoric of Tokyo, which traditionally adheres to a rigid line with regard to the DPRK and considers maximum pressure the only way to achieve a result in relations with the North Korean regime. The question of the destruction of DPRK medium and short-range missiles that can hit targets on the territory of the country is of exceptional importance for Japan's national security. The rapid development of the situation, the unpredictable policy of US President D.Trump aroused Tokyo's fears that Washington could make a deal with the DPRK, allowing to preserve medium-range missiles in exchange for refusing to develop long-range ballistic missiles. In such circumstances, it would be very reckless to rely only on promises from its overseas ally. Therefore, on the eve of the meeting in Singapore, Prime Minister S.Abe expressed his desire to hold a summit meeting between Japan and the DPRK. The problem of normalization of relations with the DPRK will allow S.Abe not only to remove the threat to the national security of Japan, but also to strengthen the internal political positions, shaken in connection with corruption.
The book is dedicated to the classic Japanese novel Genji Monogatari. The issues of its translation, and interpretation, cultural meanings are discussed.
The article analyzes the prospects for the development of relations between Russia and Japan in the context of the activation of Japanese diplomacy in the Russian direction. In 2016, Prime Minister S. Abe proposed a cooperation program of eight items. Within the framework of this program, more than hundred economic agreements were signed, most of which have not yet been implemented. In the article the author considers the reasons for the slippage of the development of bilateral relations.