Российские медиа: проблемы вражды, агрессии, насилия [Электронный ресурс]
Souvent considéré comme une activité des plus nuisibles, le piratage des contenus audiovisuels n’en constitue pas moins, depuis des décennies, pour de nombreuses populations aux quatre coins du monde, un moyen majeur d’accéder aux produits des industries culturelles. Nourri d’enquêtes de terrain, cet ouvrage explore les enjeux que recèle ce phénomène complexe. Cette étude inédite analyse les stratégies globales de lutte contre le piratage, évalue les politiques des autorités nationales, décrit les usages que font les publics des contenus audiovisuels piratés, retrace les chemins qu’empruntent ces derniers et s’intéresse à ceux qui font le commerce de ces produits, de même qu’aux mutations engendrées par internet en la matière.
Late in life, William F. Buckley made a confession to Corey Robin. Capitalism is "boring," said the founding father of the American right. "Devoting your life to it," as conservatives do, "is horrifying if only because it's so repetitious. It's like sex." With this unlikely conversation began Robin's decade-long foray into the conservative mind. What is conservatism, and what's truly at stake for its proponents? If capitalism bores them, what excites them? Tracing conservatism back to its roots in the reaction against the French Revolution, Robin argues that the right is fundamentally inspired by a hostility to emancipating the lower orders. Some conservatives endorse the free market, others oppose it. Some criticize the state, others celebrate it. Underlying these differences is the impulse to defend power and privilege against movements demanding freedom and equality. Despite their opposition to these movements, conservatives favor a dynamic conception of politics and society--one that involves self-transformation, violence, and war. They are also highly adaptive to new challenges and circumstances. This partiality to violence and capacity for reinvention has been critical to their success. Written by a keen, highly regarded observer of the contemporary political scene, The Reactionary Mind ranges widely, from Edmund Burke to Antonin Scalia, from John C. Calhoun to Ayn Rand. It advances the notion that all rightwing ideologies, from the eighteenth century through today, are historical improvisations on a theme: the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, and trying to win it back.
This paper represents a synthesis of few working papers of the author, published in various mostly foreign publications. In the paper the author examines social consequences and social prerequisites for specific role that Russian state and Russian audiences are playing in the media. In our opinion the situation in Russian media cannot to be perceived outside the context of social structure of the Russian society and the role of the state in this society.
This paper is devoted to the issue of so–called ‘trophy films’ in the context of Soviet foreign policy. The aim of this research is to reveal how the cultural competition between the USSR and the USA during the early Cold War caused the emergence of the famous credit title «This film was captured as a trophy after the Soviet Army defeated Nazi troops near Berlin in 1945», and, as a consequence, resulted in the establishing of ‘Trophy Film’ concept in public discourse.
The article presents a comparative analysis of the pension reform coverage by three Russian TV channels – Channel One, TV Rain, and RT. The discussion of reform was analyzed from June 16, 2018, when the corresponding bill was introduced to the State Duma, to October 3, when it was signed by the President and was published. The media coverage of this news on selected TV channels differs significantly. Channel One was focusing the audience’s attention on the benefits of pension reform as before the TV address of the President the main source of formal approval of the reform was from federal officials and citizens. After August 29, regional representatives were included in the media discussion, which can partly be explained by the upcoming elections. Opposed to Channel One, there was no active participation of regional representatives in reporting on pension reform on TV Rain, yet the expert community was included, which still did not guarantee the representation of alternative positions as the channel adhered to a skeptical attitude towards the reform. The RT, which target audience is foreigners, showed the low intensity of pension issue discussion. Nevertheless, this channel was actively covering nationwide actions against the raising of the retirement age, which is unusual for the federal channel mainly focusing on positive aspects of the reform. During the elections, the RT included the pension issue to agenda: low voter turnout and the defeat of the ruling party in several Russian constituent entities were regarded as a result of increasing the retirement age.
This paper examines the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights on the Magyar Yeti v. Hungary case of December 4, 2018 (application no. 11257/16) concerning the use of hyperlinks in the media. The “Magyar Yeti” complaint was based on a litigation over media coverage of a national conflict and the positions of its parties. The leader of the gypsy community in the village of Konyar in Hungary accused the Jobbik party of organizing attacks by football fans (expressed in aggressive and obscene shouts) at a school in the village. An audio recording of these allegations was published via a hyperlink by some Hungarian media outlets, including the applicant company. The “Jobbik” party filed a lawsuit in court to protect its reputation. The Hungarian court took the side of the Jobbik party and ruled that the defendant has to publish a retraction. This decision was supported by the national courts of other instances. However, the ECtHR found that “Magyar Yeti” acted in good faith, not expressing its own attitude to the contents of the audio recording in the hyperlink. Thus, the national courts violated the balance between the right to protection of reputation and the freedom of expression and, consequently, violated article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Thus, within the framework of this dispute the ECtHR started formulating a completely new approach to the regulation of activity of journalists in the digital age through legal assessment of the digital tools, which journalists often use in their professional activities. In particular, the ECtHR defined hyperlinks as a new tool in journalism, which differs from traditional ways of presenting information. Finally, this judgment focused on the issue of using hypertext (hyperlinks) by journalists in their publications; the ethical side of the professional activities of journalists on the Internet; the responsibility of journalists for the use of the Internet as a tool of communication and the role of the Internet for the realization of citizens’ information rights. Based on the examination of the judgment of the ECtHR, the author looks into the issue of legal guarantees to journalists in the digital age.