Российские медиа: проблемы вражды, агрессии, насилия [Электронный ресурс]
Souvent considéré comme une activité des plus nuisibles, le piratage des contenus audiovisuels n’en constitue pas moins, depuis des décennies, pour de nombreuses populations aux quatre coins du monde, un moyen majeur d’accéder aux produits des industries culturelles. Nourri d’enquêtes de terrain, cet ouvrage explore les enjeux que recèle ce phénomène complexe. Cette étude inédite analyse les stratégies globales de lutte contre le piratage, évalue les politiques des autorités nationales, décrit les usages que font les publics des contenus audiovisuels piratés, retrace les chemins qu’empruntent ces derniers et s’intéresse à ceux qui font le commerce de ces produits, de même qu’aux mutations engendrées par internet en la matière.
Late in life, William F. Buckley made a confession to Corey Robin. Capitalism is "boring," said the founding father of the American right. "Devoting your life to it," as conservatives do, "is horrifying if only because it's so repetitious. It's like sex." With this unlikely conversation began Robin's decade-long foray into the conservative mind. What is conservatism, and what's truly at stake for its proponents? If capitalism bores them, what excites them? Tracing conservatism back to its roots in the reaction against the French Revolution, Robin argues that the right is fundamentally inspired by a hostility to emancipating the lower orders. Some conservatives endorse the free market, others oppose it. Some criticize the state, others celebrate it. Underlying these differences is the impulse to defend power and privilege against movements demanding freedom and equality. Despite their opposition to these movements, conservatives favor a dynamic conception of politics and society--one that involves self-transformation, violence, and war. They are also highly adaptive to new challenges and circumstances. This partiality to violence and capacity for reinvention has been critical to their success. Written by a keen, highly regarded observer of the contemporary political scene, The Reactionary Mind ranges widely, from Edmund Burke to Antonin Scalia, from John C. Calhoun to Ayn Rand. It advances the notion that all rightwing ideologies, from the eighteenth century through today, are historical improvisations on a theme: the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, and trying to win it back.
This paper represents a synthesis of few working papers of the author, published in various mostly foreign publications. In the paper the author examines social consequences and social prerequisites for specific role that Russian state and Russian audiences are playing in the media. In our opinion the situation in Russian media cannot to be perceived outside the context of social structure of the Russian society and the role of the state in this society.
The author teaches to awaken creativity in oneself, using emotions as a factor of motivation, explains the concept of critical thinking, gives the reader tools to add / edit publications to increase the clarity and rationality of their own judgments, and also shows where a particular theory is applicable
Film industry as a creative industry influences the socio-economic development of territories both directly and indirectly. Cinema-induced tourism inspired by popular movies is an example of such informational effect of the industry. It was studied basing on 410 Russian movies released from 2000 to mid-2017 which were selected from the Kinopoisk and IMDb lists. Thematic tours was organized after the movies «Vysotsky: Thank God I’m alive», «The geographer drank his globe away» and «Piter FM». Scenery constructed for the movies «Zapiski ekspeditora Taynoy kancelyarii» and «The Horde» became tourist objects. The rise of tourist interest and place recognition of the corresponding regions was caused by the films «Fortress of War», «Leviathan» and «Territory».
Cinema induced tourism has a significant global growth during last 20 years caused by the rising touristic demand. Barcelona case study shows how cinema tourism can supplement the traditional sun and city tourism. The paper demonstrates how city districts, monuments and public spaces shown in the movies and other visual art performances shape the city image. Author defines the cinema routes of Barcelona based on the most popular films and analyses how films influence the foreign touristic flow and the inner redistribution of tourists in the city.
This study analyzes the discussion of import substitution in the Russian press from August 2014 to December 2016. By drawing on 269 press media items (obtained from the “Integrum” database and featuring Rossiyskaya Gazeta, Novaya Gazeta, Komsomolskaya Pravda, and Kommersant) the authors show that the discussion is being constructed within the following eight frames – anti-Western, patriotic, nostalgic, sentimental, interest-centered, consequence-centered, selfish and demonstrative. The most popular frames are the patriotic and the consequence-centered ones. However, the spectrum of frames most frequently engaged differs across periodicals. For instance, while the pro-state and pro-government Rossiyskaya Gazeta constructs a predominantly positive image of import substitution through the use of anti-Western and patriotic frames, the more liberal and oppositional Novaya Gazeta often emphasizes the likely negative consequences of such protectionism using the sentimental and demonstrative frames. Komsomolskaya Pravda uses the widest range of frames, but presents the information in a more simplified form to make it clearer to its target audience. In contrast, Kommersant discusses import substitution at a more expert level and invokes the selfish and the consequence-centered frames. Through the qualitative content-analysis of the selected media the authors have produced a list of keywords that serve to determine the place of import substitution in network agenda-setting. Their joint reference analysis has revealed three large clusters in the public discussion: the economic-political, the selfishly patriotic and the protectionist cluster. The authors conclude that the debate on import substitution combines both economic and political arguments; and the media often resort to ideological constructs to justify their attitude towards import substitution.