Дела плоти. Интимная жизнь людей Средневековья в пространстве судебной полемики
The author differs several approaches to law in classical eurasianism. These distinctions, on his opinion, are based on metalegal grounds – on «alleinheit» theory in the writings of L.P. Karsavin and on «phenomenological method» in the works of N.N. Alexeev
The chapter traces the history of evolution of Russian liberal thought in the span of the 19th century and explores how Russian liberals conceptualized the phenomenon of imperial diversity and related to the context of empire in thinking about potentialities of progressive Russian politics. The author explores the history of importation of blueprints of liberal universalism in Russian liberal thought and the development of the paradigm of national liberalism in reposnse to the challenges of the modern empire. The author argues that the idiom of national liberalism was not the only one. A different paradigm was in existence that may be called imperial liberalism. The chapter finds out how this alternative paradigm helped Russian liberals assume a significant place in public politics in the late imperial period, when the odds of mass politics were against classical liberalism. The chapter introduces the author’s finding of the transnational genealogy of Petr Struve’s program of “Greater Russia.”
This article is devoted to the Digest of the Laws of the Russian Empire – an embodiment of the operative legal system in late imperial Russia. Even though the Digest contained the law in force, and thus should be studied as a crucial source on Russian (legal) history, its meaning has been often overlooked. The reason for that is a remarkable difference between the original texts of laws adopted by the legislator, and their published form in the Digest. This difference came from the necessary editing procedures when every new piece of legislation was included in the existing system of the Digest. This strange feature of legal procedure when two different versions of a particular law – the original one and the one codified in the Digest – both remained in force should be considered as a part of official autocratic legality in late imperial Russia. Even though it may seem inefficient and irrational, the practice of obligatory codification of laws in the Digest existed for a rather long time – from 1835 until 1917. My research aims to find possible explanations for the Digest’s prolonged existence in the context of political and legal culture of late imperial Russia. What did Russian ‘official legality’ actually mean on the levels of theory and action?
This article discusses a process that could be defined as ‘exchange of saints’ between Egypt and Syria in the second half of the first millennium. Coptic synaxaria and liturgical books contain commemorations not only of the local martyrs who were born and suffered in Egypt, but also a great number of commemorations of foreign saints who later became appropriated by the Coptic Church, such as a group of the so-called Antiochene saints whose relics were claimed to belong to Egypt either because these saints were martyred in Egypt or because the relics had been transferred to Egypt at some point. The presence of these saints in early hymnographic collections preserved in two manuscripts of the ninth century (M574 and M575 of the Pierpont Morgan Library) provides ample evidence of the continuing and lasting interest of the Egyptian Christians in Antiochene saints. Such enthusiasm could probably be explained by the work of Severus of Antioch (465-538) who did a great deal to promote the exchange of saints between the two communities. The article also examines the seeming absence of reciprocity on the Syrian side and reviews the evidence provided by the early material, such as the hymns attributed to Severus of Antioch, which came down to us in Syriac translation revised by James of Edessa in the seventh century. One of these texts, a hymn dedicated to the Egyptian martyrs, is of particular interest in regard to the ‘exchange of saints’ and shows that the process was in fact reciprocal.
Among the canonic genres of the modern social-philosophical and social-scientific thought,
in German sociology and social theory of the 20th century, there is a special type of re-
search called “the diagnosis of the era” (Zeitdiagnose), i.e. the analysis of a specific historical
situation. Max Weber’s articles, publications and speeches in the last years of the war and
first post-war years are an excellent example of such an application of the social-theoretical
knowledge for the diagnosis of the modernity. The article considers Weber’s political and
social diagnosis of the time in his articles of 1917–1919 on the post-war reorganization of
Germany on democratic principles. The author focuses on Weber’s assessment of the ways
of the political and social development of Germany after the defeat in the World War I and
the November Revolution of 1918 The article also analyzes Weber’s proposals on the reform
of the political and electoral system of the German Empire and considers Weber’s views on
the prospects for a socialist revolution in Central Europe after the end of World War I on the
model of the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in Russia. The final part of the article provides a
generalized assessment of the theoretical scheme that Weber applied in the analysis of the
events and processes of the November Revolution of 1918 in Germany, and identifies its sig-
nificance for understanding the historical fate of the modern world.
The correspondence of Senator Count Roman Vorontsov with captain of Preobrazhenskii regiment Petr Chebyshev and Marshal of Shlissel´burg nobility Alexander Artsybashev is a unique source revealing unofficial negotiations regarding the election of Vorontsov as a deputy to the Legislative Commission of 1767 and the composition of the instruction (nakaz) addressed to him. It demonstrates that Roman Vorontsov initiated his election and gave recommendations as to which requests to the Monarch should be included in the instruction to the deputy. The Shlissel´burg nobles elected Vorontsov without apparent hesitation and in most cases took his advice as to the instruction’s content. However, they abandoned some of the count’s ideas and included some claims of their own. The preface to the publication of the documents contextualizes the case in the following respects: personal information on Shlissel´burg nobles participating in the election; the connection of Vorontsov’s activities as Shlissel´burg deputy with his views expressed as a senator and co‑author of the Moscow nobility’s instruction; the importance of the Shlissel´burg instruction case for the exploration of other instructions of the nobility. The investigation leads the author to the conclusion that the demands drawn up by Roman Vorontsov were to a great extent in accordance with the wishes expressed by rank‑and‑file nobility despite some differences in claims and ways of argumentation. The electors first of all appealed to the Monarch’s mercy for their needs whereas the deputy tended to justify his claims with considerations on the State’s well‑being. The task of formulating their interests and problems significantly enhanced communication among the nobility and promoted the dissemination of shared ideas as well as the expression of relatively specific ones. Last, the information provided by this presentation of the Shlissel´burg nakaz can be useful for understanding other instructions as the result of the interaction of different views and not as the final position of all the nobility of a district.
Within a brief historical period, BRICS as an inter-State association has become an influential player in the world economy and politics. BRICS is a primarily political entity, and in that regard, the BRICS grouping correlates with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). However, not all the expectations placed on the SCO by the founding countries at the time of its creation in 2001 have been met so far. The question is to what extent expectations may be fulfilled in case of BRICS.