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Of all publications in the section: 209
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Article
Земцов А. О. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2019. Т. 95. № 4. С. 87-110.

The article presents the results of a quantitative study of authoritarianism in the political culture of modern Russians through its feature such as orientation to the “strong hand”. Based on the data of the LevadaCenter mass surveys conducted on a representative all-Russian sample, the author compares various indicators of a “strong hand” orientation, examines their dynamics over the past three decades, and using regression analysis reveals the influence of socio-demographic factors on this orientation, determining the “social base” of authoritarianism in the post-Soviet Russia. The author’s research confirms the high demand for a “strong hand” (authoritarianism) in the modern Russia. At the same time, it shows that as soon as the Russians are offered an alternative model of governance in the form of a system of separation of powers, especially one that is net of Russian specificity, the popularity of the “strong hand” noticeably decreases. According to the author, there are different reasons why modern Russians crave for a “strong hand”. They include cultural inertia, the traditional sacredness of the image of a strong leader, a pragmatic, purposeful strategy to adapt to the existing political order, and the conscious exploitation of the corresponding mythologeme by the political regime — a kind of imitationary traditionalism of the state, for which the “strong hand” is an important symbolic resource. The institutional characteristics of the current regime in the country (state monopolization of many areas of public life, weak separation of powers, underdeveloped institutions and practices of civil control, etc.) also play an important role. In their turn, authoritarian orientations indirectly support its existence. Authoritarianism in the political culture of modern Russians is in harmony with the institutional structure of the authoritarian regime.  

Added: Nov 1, 2019
Article
Плюснин Ю. М. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2013. № 2. С. 6-38.
Added: Aug 28, 2013
Article
Мусихин Г. И. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2011. № 3. С. 143-197.

In the article the author looks into the theoretical prospects of socialist utopia rebirth as the so called horizon line that is impossible to cross, but easy to see as if it were reachable. The author shows that post-Fordism capitalizing and alienating nonmaterial labor has become a real problem for the radical negation in the framework of neo-Marxist utopia since under such conditions any social alternative is in danger of becoming a part of the capitalist reality. Such disciplinary power of the modern capitalist logic generates rejection of the political action as it is rather than a protest. In this situation radical Marxist utopia comes down to the affective negation that cannot become a subject to reflection. Its creators and proponents do not want to find themselves in the capitalist present, aspiring in their expectations into the future that will not grow out of the modern capitalism and will never be capitalism in principle.

Added: Dec 7, 2012
Article
Малашенко А. В., Нисневич Ю. А., Рябов А. В. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2018. № 2(89)). С. 6-22.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the phenomenon of “barbarism”, which is still relevant today for the public and political sphere. The authors focus on the so-called “vertical barbarism”. In con- trast to the “horizontal barbarism”, which is known since the ancient times, “vertical barbarism” is not associated with the direct clash of peo- ples, but rather with complex social processes, primarily, powerful verti- cal mobility and vast expansion of the access of broad social strata to the achievements of civilization. The authors believe that the birth of the “vertical barbarism” is asso- ciated with the phenomenon described as “the revolt of the masses” by Jose Ortega y Gasset, the Spanish philosopher. This is one of the most important 21 “ПОЛИТИЯ” № 2 (89) 2018 social and cultural shifts in the history of mankind, when the development of democracy and industrial technologies resulted in a new space for people’s ex- istence and brought to the forefront of public and political life the “man of the masses”. “The revolt of the masses” in the first half of the 20 th century en- tailed a wave of the “vertical barbarism” across Europe, which resulted in the establishment of fascist, Nazi and right-wing authoritarian regimes in several European countries. After the end of the World War II, the first wave of the “vertical barbarism” rolled back, and the consumer society started to develop, in which a “mass man” turned from an aggressive political subject into a rela- tively passive political object. The authors interpret the recent political wakeup of a “mass man” as a new wave of the “vertical barbarism”. In their opinion, this wave is caused by the fear and frustration of a “mass man” who failed to adapt to the vast ex- pansion of the space for her life and the qualitative change in the social sphere engendered by the development of democracy and the technological revolu- tion of the late 20 th — early 21 st century. The lack of proper attention from the political forces and structures to the ongoing shifts aggravates the situation, making a “mass man” feel “abandoned” by the power and the state, which en- courages her to rebel against the established order and throw out a challenge to the modern civilization. Keywords: barbarism, civilization, the revolt of the masses, vertical invasionThe article is devoted to the analysis of the phenomenon of “barbarism”, which is still relevant today for the public and political sphere. The authors focus on the so-called “vertical barbarism”. In con- trast to the “horizontal barbarism”, which is known since the ancient times, “vertical barbarism” is not associated with the direct clash of peo- ples, but rather with complex social processes, primarily, powerful verti- cal mobility and vast expansion of the access of broad social strata to the achievements of civilization. The authors believe that the birth of the “vertical barbarism” is asso- ciated with the phenomenon described as “the revolt of the masses” by Jose Ortega y Gasset, the Spanish philosopher. This is one of the most important social and cultural shifts in the history of mankind, when the development of democracy and industrial technologies resulted in a new space for people’s ex- istence and brought to the forefront of public and political life the “man of the masses”. “The revolt of the masses” in the first half of the 20 th century en- tailed a wave of the “vertical barbarism” across Europe, which resulted in the establishment of fascist, Nazi and right-wing authoritarian regimes in several European countries. After the end of the World War II, the first wave of the “vertical barbarism” rolled back, and the consumer society started to develop, in which a “mass man” turned from an aggressive political subject into a rela- tively passive political object. The authors interpret the recent political wakeup of a “mass man” as a new wave of the “vertical barbarism”. In their opinion, this wave is caused by the fear and frustration of a “mass man” who failed to adapt to the vast ex- pansion of the space for her life and the qualitative change in the social sphere engendered by the development of democracy and the technological revolu- tion of the late 20 th — early 21 st century. The lack of proper attention from the political forces and structures to the ongoing shifts aggravates the situation, making a “mass man” feel “abandoned” by the power and the state, which en- courages her to rebel against the established order and throw out a challenge to the modern civilization.

Added: Jun 20, 2018
Article
Каспэ С. И. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2008. № 1. С. 17-26.

The article by S. Kaspe is a provocative text built on the analogy of the current position of the Commonwealth of Independent States and the situation in the early medieval Europe of about V-DC centuries. The basis for such defiant analogy is the qualification of both situations as post-imperial. Using the method and terms of Edward Shils, S. Kaspe demonstrates that the deficit of value legitimation is the general problem of political organisms that find themselves in such situations, whereas the search for an external center that could engender it - a general objective. The author considers the "Western 194 "1ЮЛППН" Np 7 (48) 2008 ПРПЛОЖШ empire" as the only realistic and at the same time acceptable candidate for such role and believes that Russia's acquiring the status of one of its plenipotentiary sub-centers would be an optimistic scenario.

Added: Oct 6, 2012
Article
Туровский Р. Ф. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2013. № 1. С. 175-196.
Added: Jun 11, 2013
Article
Сохань И. В., Гончаров Д. В. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2013. № 2.
Added: Jun 6, 2013
Article
Ледяев В. Г. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2008. № 4. С. 122-138.
Added: Nov 2, 2008
Article
Белькович Р. Ю., Виноградов С. В. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2021. № 1. С. 60-74.

The revival of the academic interest in the problem of fair distribution of resources in the society, which is one of the key issues for the political thought today, is largely associated with the name of John Rawls and his Theory of Justice. The article is devoted to the analysis of Rawls’s arguments in support of the difference principle as one of the principles of social justice. According to Rawls (whose arguments later formed the foundation for a separate direction in the political-philosophical thought known as luck egalitarianism), due to the random nature of the original distribution of talents, inequality in human wellbeing cannot be justified by an appeal to a merit. However, because strict equality in distribution might reduce productivity of the owners of talent, achieving the best outcome for all requires such inequalities that incentivize the more talented to work as efficiently as possible for the benefit of the less talented. This compromise drew criticism from ardent egalitarians, among which Gerald Cohen articulated objections to the difference principle most clearly and compared the claims of the most talented for material rewards with extortion. Having considered possible justifications for the need for incentives, based on Rawls’s argument in the Theory of Justice, the authors conclude that these justifications do not solve the problem that Cohen revealed. Appealing to human nature merely translates the dispute into the methodological realm: should the theory of justice proceed from reality, or should it be guided by the ideal? In turn, the inevitability of a conflict of private interests does not fit well with Rawls’s ideal of fraternity as an integral part of a just social order. According to their conclusion, in order to resolve the internal contradiction in Rawls’s theory, it is necessary to abandon either the postulates of luck egalitarianism or difference principle. However, both of these options directly contradict Rawls’s intellectual constructs and undermine the basic foundations of his concept.

Added: Mar 19, 2021
Article
Ахременко А. С., Петров А. П., Филиппов И. Б. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2018. № 3. С. 87-112.

This article is focused upon the survival of democratic regimes and successfulness of democratization. The dynamical mathematical model is presented in the paper. The model’s departing point is the hypothesis of S.M. Lipset  and A. Przeworski that the growth of the welfare leads to a mitigation of the interest groups` conflict over the redistribution of resources. This mitigation is met as a result of interrelated processes of broadening of a «compromise space», which is a range of mutually accepted policies, and of a convergence of different groups` preferences over the redistribution in an area of moderate policies.

The presented model illustrates how social capital (more precisely – its component responsible for trust between strangers) and institutional quality favor the stabilization of democratic regimes through the increase of economic productivity and welfare. According to the predictions of the model, total factor productivity (TFP) – understood as the opportunity of individuals and/or firms to cooperate efficiently – increases the overall wealth of the society  given the same stock of human capital. It fosters the consolidation of democracy due to reduction of social tensions and improvement of functioning of democratic mechanism of economic policy elaboration. Following these results the hypothesis of positive impact of TFP on the survival of democracy is formulated.

The hypothesis was tested by means of survival analysis on the quantitative database on episodes of democratization («Regimes in the World»). The survival analysis showed that TFP is a significant and important predictor that lowers the risk of unsuccessful ending of the democratization episode (of the return back to more autocratic regime). The increase in TFP on 10 percentage points is ceteris paribus associated to the decrease of risk of leaving the track of democratization in 1.2-1.4 times. The obtained results are robust to the changes in the model specification or in a list of control variables.

Added: Jul 10, 2018
Article
Григорьев И. С. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2017. Т. 84. № 1. С. 159-174.

The article presents an overview of the main theoretical approaches to judicial politics revealing the impact of institutional and non-institutional factors. On the basis of the analysis of the existing theoretical models of judicial politics and the relationships between the court and key political players, the author hypothesizes that, despite common theoretical grounds, there is an important distinction between constitutional courts in authoritarian and democratic regimes. Under authoritarianism, judges possess fundamentally different expectations about the prospects for a regime change and therefore are guided by a different yardstick when building internal judicial institutions. While under democracies courts have to succumb to government needs only in some ad hoc cases, such as at times of highly consolidated power, under autocracies this has to be a stable institutional solution.

Added: Apr 13, 2017
Article
Туровский Р. Ф. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2014. № 4.
Added: Feb 18, 2015
Article
Нисневич Ю. А. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2011. № 2 (61). С. 175-185.
Added: Dec 12, 2012
Article
Гимпельсон В. Е. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2018. № 2. С. 170-198.

The material published here is a report on the Thirty-Second Gubernatorial Readings held in Tyumen, April 25th, 2018, under the framework of the joint project conducted by the journal Politeia and the administration of the Tyumen region. The topic of the Readings is the transformations of Russia’s human capital. V.E.Gimpelson, Director of the Center for Labor Market Studies at the National Research University Higher School of Economics, in his speech provided a definition of human capital and discussed in details a number of questions related to its current state and future development in Russia (supply and demand of human capital in the Russian Federation, the quality of Russia’s human capital and prospects for its growth, resources for investment in human capital etc.). M.A.Giltman, Professor of the Tyumen State University, in his presentation analyzed formation of the human capital in the Tyumen region, primarily in the sphere of education. A.M.Gretsova, HR Director of the West-Siberian Bank of PJSC Sberbank of Russia, and E.A.Rudyk, Head of the Personnel Evaluation and Development Department of RN-Uvatneftegaz, shared their experience in accumulating human capital within their corporations, focusing on the institution of mentoring. M.M.Skvortsov, Director General of JSC “TALK”, winner of the contest “Leaders of Russia”, devoted his speech to the role of the projects of the forum “Russia — Land of Opportunities” in shaping demand and supply of human capital. V.V.Yakushev, Governor of the Tyumen region, summed up the discussion by drawing attention to the complex nature of the formation of human capital and the important roles that the state, business and family can and should play in this process.

Added: Jan 17, 2019
Article
Штейнман М. А. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2019. № 2 (93). С. 28-47.

The metaphor of power is so broad that, without claiming to fully consider all its aspects, M.Steinman focuses on its relatively narrow aspect, related to the narrative field of the fantasy genre in the context of the political changes of the 20th — early 21st centuries. The purpose of her research is to trace the transformation of the understanding of the political metaphor in terms of characteristics that allow it to become one of the key tools of political reflection. At the same time, Steinman draws attention to another important property of political metaphor — its ability to model one or another version of political reality. The connection between metaphor, political myth and fantasy genre is both obvious and debatable. The matrix of fantasy genre was originally created as a field of deep reflections on the topic of modernity rather than as a way to entertain the reader. It is this consideration that encouraged Steinman to combine in the framework of one study Lord of the Rings by J.R.R.Tolkien and Song of Ice and Fire by G.R.R.Martin — each of these authors tried to identify and comprehend the political problems of his time. These problems have received the clearest expression in two images — Tolkien’s Ring of Power and Martin’s Iron Throne. At the same time, according to Steinman, the metaphor of the political game, phrased as “the game of thrones”, possesses a dominant meaning. The analysis of modern media, in particular, provides a compelling evidence of its dominant role. Every time the political agenda implies a debate or elections, memes are activated that refer to the characters of Martin’s novels and a TV-show based on his book. At the same time, one can often see the simplified use of a meme at the level of exploitation of a recognizable formulation.

Added: Oct 13, 2019
Article
Ахременко А. С., Локшин И. М., Юрескул Е. А. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2017. № 2. С. 5-31.

In this paper employing both economics and political science we look into the problem of “development traps”, the mechanisms that block welfare growth in developing countries. By analyzing existing theories (“middle income trap”, “Malthusian trap” etc.) we suggest a systematic approach based on the notion of Total Factor Productivity (TFP). We use mathematical models and theoretical considerations to demonstrate how growth is being impeded through decreasing returns to economic production from a state’s increasing potential for violence. We use a panel sample to empirically test the hypothesis that development barriers, political institutions and economic productivity all influence each other.

Added: Jun 16, 2017
Article
Труевцев К. М. Полития: Анализ. Хроника. Прогноз. 2006. № 3.
Added: Nov 23, 2010