The article is devoted to state machinery reforming in Russia, to search of new model of mutual relations of the state and the citizen. Stages of reforms, the reasons of an inefficiency of acts are analyzed.
Since 2011 Russian authorities have taken a number of measures aimed at protecting entrepreneurs from raiding. Basing on publications in the media about the violent pressure on business (4947 articles in 2011 and 3703 articles in 2015), we shown that the instruments of raiding attacks had changed by the year 2015. So by 2015, this time the methods of "white" raiding have become more widespread, namely, the use of loopholes in legislation. However "gray" and "black" raiders are still active in Russian regions, although they have become much riskier.
The paper presents an analytical review of the events related to the mass political protests that took place in the U.S.A. in the autumn of 2011. Its issues can be used as an empirical basis for comparison of the situations in Russia and other countries.
The author addresses the question of the relationship between religious and national identity, in particular to those cases where there is their identifi cation. The author focuses on the Spanish experience of 1930-s, when formed the ideological construction of the so-called national-Catholicism was formed, justifying special spiritual mission of the nation, based on its alleged inherent rejection of democracy. Over the next few decades, the National Catholicism played the role of the offi cial ideology of the Franco regime. The article compares the Spanish experience with the situation in today's Russia, where, according to the author, there is a tendency for "nationalization" of religion, its politicization and indoctrination.
The paper compares some basic aspects of the national identity of Russian and American students. We have analyzed the views of the students at three leading Russian universities (MSU, MGIMO and NRU HSE) and at Princeton University (USA). The study is based on comparing of Russian students’ positions with those of the Princeton University’s students (USA). The paper consists of two articles. The first article published bellow includes the analysis of the students’ normative perceptions of their countries. The second one is devoted to the aspects of attitudes towards the country that render it an object of national identity (country favoritism, a level of criticism towards the country and a specificity of duty to the country fulfillment)
The authors of the article compare some basic national identity aspects of Russian and American students. The views of the students of the three leading Russian universities (MSU, MGIMO and NRU HSE) and at Princeton University (USA) were analysed. The study is based on the comparison of Russian students positions with those of the Princeton University students (USA). The features under study in the article are aspects of attitudes towards the country that render it an object of national identity (country favoritism, a level of criticism towards the country and particular way ob manifestation of duty for the country).
In the rst article, the authors discuss the hybrid type of nationhood in Russia. Although the latter has some formal, both legal and cultural, features of a becoming political nation, it is still largely shaped by an “imperial syndrome”, re ecting the country’s imperial past and obstructing the building of demo- cratic institutions. The authors highlight that it is poorly understood by the masses and by the academics, while two di erent ideological movements, the liberal and the conservative, do not seen to be interested in discussing them. The authors distinguish three academic will approaches to the idea of civic nation in Russia. First, “defensive constructivism” appealing to the broadly used discursive methodology to defend Russia from any criticism focused on the imitation of the major Russian institutions, i.e. civic nation, de- mocracy, federalism, and the rule of law. Second, the “pragmatic relativism” approach postulating that then is no a hybrid character of Russian nationhood. Finally, the “historical fatalism” which claims that Russia remains an imperial polity and, thus, cannot become a nation state. While opposing to each of these three positions, the authors develop their own approach to the problem.