The article analyzes the features, main conceptual approaches and material presentation model in "The Atlas of Modernization in Russia and its Regions: Socioeconomic and Sociocultural Trends and Problems". Modernization is shown as a part of the global civilizational process in Russia and its regions, Russia's place among other countries in modernization process. An enormous volume of information is disclosed, being the basis of the materials given in the Atlas. An interdisciplinary nature of the study presented in the Atlas is pointed out. This allowed us to consider modernization from the technological, economic, social, political and socio-cultural point of view, and to show modernization as a process associated with rational humanism, in which not only the country and its regions, but also each person is interested.
Article is devoted to the last decades world search of new model of relations of the state and the citizen. The causes of the general falling of authority of traditional bureaucratic structures, their insuffi cient ability adequately to react to new social and technological calls are considered. The serious changes occurring in national systems of public service are investigated.
The article is devoted to state machinery reforming in Russia, to search of new model of mutual relations of the state and the citizen. Stages of reforms, the reasons of an inefficiency of acts are analyzed.
Since 2011 Russian authorities have taken a number of measures aimed at protecting entrepreneurs from raiding. Basing on publications in the media about the violent pressure on business (4947 articles in 2011 and 3703 articles in 2015), we shown that the instruments of raiding attacks had changed by the year 2015. So by 2015, this time the methods of "white" raiding have become more widespread, namely, the use of loopholes in legislation. However "gray" and "black" raiders are still active in Russian regions, although they have become much riskier.
The paper presents an analytical review of the events related to the mass political protests that took place in the U.S.A. in the autumn of 2011. Its issues can be used as an empirical basis for comparison of the situations in Russia and other countries.
The author addresses the question of the relationship between religious and national identity, in particular to those cases where there is their identifi cation. The author focuses on the Spanish experience of 1930-s, when formed the ideological construction of the so-called national-Catholicism was formed, justifying special spiritual mission of the nation, based on its alleged inherent rejection of democracy. Over the next few decades, the National Catholicism played the role of the offi cial ideology of the Franco regime. The article compares the Spanish experience with the situation in today's Russia, where, according to the author, there is a tendency for "nationalization" of religion, its politicization and indoctrination.
The paper compares some basic aspects of the national identity of Russian and American students. We have analyzed the views of the students at three leading Russian universities (MSU, MGIMO and NRU HSE) and at Princeton University (USA). The study is based on comparing of Russian students’ positions with those of the Princeton University’s students (USA). The paper consists of two articles. The first article published bellow includes the analysis of the students’ normative perceptions of their countries. The second one is devoted to the aspects of attitudes towards the country that render it an object of national identity (country favoritism, a level of criticism towards the country and a specificity of duty to the country fulfillment)
The authors of the article compare some basic national identity aspects of Russian and American students. The views of the students of the three leading Russian universities (MSU, MGIMO and NRU HSE) and at Princeton University (USA) were analysed. The study is based on the comparison of Russian students positions with those of the Princeton University students (USA). The features under study in the article are aspects of attitudes towards the country that render it an object of national identity (country favoritism, a level of criticism towards the country and particular way ob manifestation of duty for the country).
In the 1960–1970s, in Western intellectual circles the old Marxist dogma about the “withering away of the state”, which has been considerably weakened by that time, suddenly acquired unexpected allies not only in the person of influential post-Marxists like Jürgen Habermas, but also such liberals as Karl Jaspers and Hannah Arendt: They all believed in the advent of a new, “post-national”. By the beginning of the 21st century, the belief in the inevitable decline of the nation-state has become predominant in the worldview of Western elites. However, it is precisely today that the dogmatic and inconsistent nature of the post-national idea, having many signs of a phobia (the “nation-phobia”), seems evident, while national unity as an essential condition for the functioning of liberal democracies becomes ever clearer than before. The rise of populism can be seen as a peculiar proof of this thesis to the extent that it is a response to the erosion of political nations and deepening split between elites and popular masses. The article analyzes he relationship between elites’ nation-phobia and national populism, appealing to popular masses, as that of two closely linked opposites. It advances the hypothesis that the rise of populism in Western societies is caused not so much by new economic circumstances, but rather by long accumulated ideological, political and sociocultural problems, which have been exacerbated in the context of globalization. On the other hand, the peculiarity of contemporary Russian historical circumstances is emphasized. Here, it is not populism, but its alter ego – elitism – which poses the main political problem while producing nation-phobia.
In the rst article, the authors discuss the hybrid type of nationhood in Russia. Although the latter has some formal, both legal and cultural, features of a becoming political nation, it is still largely shaped by an “imperial syndrome”, re ecting the country’s imperial past and obstructing the building of demo- cratic institutions. The authors highlight that it is poorly understood by the masses and by the academics, while two di erent ideological movements, the liberal and the conservative, do not seen to be interested in discussing them. The authors distinguish three academic will approaches to the idea of civic nation in Russia. First, “defensive constructivism” appealing to the broadly used discursive methodology to defend Russia from any criticism focused on the imitation of the major Russian institutions, i.e. civic nation, de- mocracy, federalism, and the rule of law. Second, the “pragmatic relativism” approach postulating that then is no a hybrid character of Russian nationhood. Finally, the “historical fatalism” which claims that Russia remains an imperial polity and, thus, cannot become a nation state. While opposing to each of these three positions, the authors develop their own approach to the problem.