Active growth of development assistance during the last decade gave a birth to the concept of increasing concentration of donor’s attention on developing countries’ needs and fairer allocation of development aid. Based on the OECD DAC data from 2008 to 2017 the article analyzes the structure of official development aid by donors, geographical distribution, instruments, channels and forms of development aid after the crisis of 2008-2009 in order to test the soundness of this concept. First, analysis of structure of aid by donors shows increasing role of new donors, including Arab countries, and private donors. Giving unpredictability of Arab aid, this trend may not be sustainable. Second, examination of main recipient groups demonstrates reduction of share of Official Development Assistance (ODA) directed to the least developed countries, although concentration on the 8 largest recipients decreased. Third, study of the instruments shows decrease of grants’ share in ODA, and still large share of grants allocated to upper-miidle income recipients. Although DAC countries made efforts aimed at stimulation of disbursement of grants and softening of loan terms, current steps are not enough to change the trend. Fourth, analysis of forms of ODA demonstrates increasing share of in-donor ODA expenditures, mainly due to growing refugees costs. Also it shows that growing share of ODA allocated to the least developed countries, highlighted by the previous researches, is to a large extent associated with humanitarian aid and debt actions, and not with the aid aimed at financing development. Furthermore, it is shown that expenditures on development, which is measured by country programmable aid (CPA) decreases during the last decade, which is an indicator of decreasing attention to recipient needs.
Thus, comparison of directions and structure of aid before and after financial crisis introduces new points which support the idea of donor selfishness and the need to create additional incentives that would allow for the distribution of development assistance in favor of the countries that need it most.
Territorial dispute in the South China Sea (SCS) which involves China and several ASEAN member-states has recently become one of the major threats to international security in Southeast Asia leading to continuous political tensions in the region. It may result not only in a split within ASEAN but also in drawing the non-regional powers into conflict. U.S.A. as the most important of such powers tries to use the existing tensions for strengthening its influence in the region and its stance in confrontation with China. While Moscow has recently made efforts to intensify its presence in Asia, it still does not see the South China Sea region as a foreign policy priority. Generally, it sticks to neutrality on the issue of sovereignty over the disputed islands. At the same time, Russia’s approach to the SCS problem can be characterised by a limited shift towards strengthening support of Beijing’s position. Acting this way Russia wishes to support a strategic partner in order to win its stronger cooperation on other vital issues, such as the problem of Crimea or the US sanctions. This rapprochement should be understood against the background of general international situation characterised by the growing Sino-US confrontation, worsening of relations between Russia and the West, as well as some tendencies in the Asia-Pacific such as the emergence of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue and the introduction of the concept of the “Indo-Pacific” by Washington and its allies which are seen in both Moscow and Beijing as hostile. Despite the numerous political difficulties and legal problems concerning the SCS, the mutual understanding between Russia and China during the last two decades has been strengthening while both countries were confronted by similar threats and challenges. This naturally pushes the positions of Russia and China closer to each other.
The crisis of European integration has led to a sharp contradiction of trends of regionalization and consolidation of the EU. In these circumstances, there is the deepening of German-Polish partnership on international arena. Cooperation of two states especially effective on post-Soviet space. For Polish diplomacy cooperation with Germany takes a chance to improving their status in international policy. Thanks to this, Poland is involved in the discussion of issues that are the prerogative of great powers. The Polish-German tandem demonstrates that changing in contemporary Europe causes an increase the importance of bilateral relationship. These transformations can be a prelude to disintegration, but can also be the beginning of the formation of new hierarchical relationships in the EU.
The unemployment benefits system is one of the most important labour market institutions, smoothing the decline in consumption due to job loss and providing the unemployed with time for job search. However, the size of payments and their duration can also have a number of serious negative consequences for the labour market associated with the moral hazard and the quality of matching between workers and jobs. This paper presents a comparative analysis of the institutional features of unemployment benefits system in OECD countries, as well as the key directions of their influence on the labour market outcomes, which have compared with the main characteristics of the Russian system of support for the unemployed. Unemployment benefits system is among those labour market institutions that have particularly large cross-country differences. These differences have made up of three main components: the replacement rate, the duration of payment, and the assignment criteria. These characteristics determine the differences in the impact of benefits on the labour market, primarily on employment rate, the number of the unemployed, the duration of unemployment state, as well as on the job search process. Effective policy measures supporting the unemployed are impossible without taking into account the whole range of consequence, which include both positive and negative effects on employment rates, productivity and wages. Measures aimed at curbing the costs of the unemployment insurance fund, toughening the assignment criteria, establishing a closer connection between unemployment benefit receiver status, and the activity of searching for a new job should contribute to increasing efficiency of this labour market institution. However, changes in the unemployment benefits system cannot solve all the problems of the labour market. Short period of job search and strict criteria for granting benefits will make the need for reforms in the demand side of labour market – the quality of jobs as well as their number – increasingly important.
Although China still poses itself as a developing country, its unprecedented economic growth, relative stability and security have made it an attractive destination for refugees both from bordering countries, the majority of which are economically underdeveloped, politically unstable and ethnically complicated, and distant countries in the Middle East and Africa. Moreover, the rise of China has resulted in international pressure on Beijing to take more responsibility in international cooperation in refugee protection. In order to understand how China responds to these new challenges, this paper asks the following questions: What is the legal and institutional framework of China’s refugee policy? Are there contradictions within China's domestic law and international refugee protection regime commitments? The introductory part of the article outlines the main features of the international refugee protection regime. In the main part, the author analyzes legislation governing China’s policy towards refugees and institutions involved in this process, as well as China’s policy towards refugees from different states and international migration crisis. The author demonstrates that China violates norms of the international refugee protection regime and reacts to external pressure by constructing alternative discourse about definition of refugee, refugee crises around the world and China’s role in them as a rising power. Nevertheless, China’s involvement in international cooperation on refugee protection is increasing.