Based on an empirical verification of L1-L2 contrastive analysis results, the author designed a methodology and a numeric scale for assessing consonant errors typical of Russian native speakers speaking German. The paper describes how the scale can be used for detecting and ranging main discrepancies between Russian and German consonant systems resulting from different phonological status of phonetic palatalization, aspiration and semi-voicedness. Ключевые
The predominant Post-Soviet orientation of the Russian social consciousness on stability as a reaction to the twofold collapse of the country during the 20th century is now receding. In the past quarter of a century (after the collapse of USSR and the adoption of 1993 Russian Constitution) the goals of the transitional period have been fulfilled as officially reported, a new generation has come of age, and new dynamic social groups are beginning to associate their perspectives with social changes. This growing demand for change is mainly concerned with the social sphere, but could potentially touch the area of constitutional priorities as well. The general problem is as follows: how can the Russian Constitution and political order based on it answer this growing request to fulfill still unarticulated social expectations which, under certain preconditions, could provide a negative mood? On the other hand, how can social change influence society’s vision of the Constitution, as well as the attitudes of intellectuals, politicians, and officials? In what ways will the Constitution need to adapt for the forthcoming global and national social transformations, first of all in order to confront the question of power transition in 2024. In this article the author debates the following questions: the main contemporary challenges to Russian constitutionalism, the interdependent logic of Constitutional basic norms and political regime dynamics, the dysfunctions of the legal system and parameters of political reforms prospects for developing constitutional order in light of power-transition processes, and the possible answers of the political elite and professional community to the growing demand for social and constitutional change.
KoThis article explores the causes of growing interest in Korea and Korean literature in Russia and analyzes the perception of Korean literature in USSR-Russia at different stages of the relationships with the two Korean countries.
This article studies the history of cultural relationships between Korea and Russia since the Russia-Korea Treaty of 1884. Emphasis is placed on the developmental stages of contemporary literature and on the analysis of the growing popularity of Korean literature in Russia/USSR/Russian Federation: traditional and contemporary literature of North and South Korea, which split into two streams alongside the division of Korea into two ideological camps. Unlike traditional literature, contemporary literature of North Korea – aligned with the country’s ideology – did not appeal to readers. On the other hand, in the late 1980s – even before the USSR and South Korea established diplomatic relationships in 1990 – Russian readers learned about contemporary South Korean literature, and Korean culture started attracting attention in Russia. Translations of the best pieces of famous Korean writers have been published in Russia – thanks to the efforts of the government of South Korea aimed at disseminating Korean culture across the globe. The focal point of this article is South Korean contemporary literature, which has gained international acclaim over the past decade. The main achievement of South Korean literature is the novel “The Vegetarian” by Han Kang (born in 1970) that won the International Booker Award in 2016. After Han Kang’s international success, South Korean literature started piquing interest in Russia as well. Additionally, recent political environment on the Korean peninsula has also stimulated growing interest in the literature of North Korea.
This article deals with the first Russian translation of major prosimetric opera and prosaic exegetical texts originated from the so-called “school of Chartres”. A special attention is paid to the place of this edition in Russian and Western historiography of the 12th century philosophy and Medieval Latin exegesis. It has been shown that the way of selecting the texts for the translation and the method of commenting them carried out by the editors of the anthology make it possible to withdraw the Chartres school from the “no man’s land” between the history of ideas and traditional history of philosophy, restoring its appropriate status in the history of the European intellectual culture – at the intersection of theology, Platonic natural philosophy and poetry.
The paper addresses the question, what is the underling nature of the Russians’ demand for the state support in three fields such as labour market and employment, social investments, and material support. Based on the recent findings from social policy studies, the authors have tested four different mechanisms, which are as follows: (a) demographic features of the population, (b) household incomes and disposable assets including human and social capital, (c) interests, and (d) locus control and cultural settings. Drawing on the all-Russia representative Monitoring survey conducted by the Institute of Sociology of the Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences in 2018, the authors argued that population’s demands for the state support has very complex nature. Moreover, the relative impact of income has a paradoxical nature. On the one hand, the Russian data confirm the hypothesis of ‘altruistic reach’ developed in recent studies, which predicts that, in societies with high inequalities, higher incomes boost the probability of demands for the redistributive settings. On the other hand, higher incomes foster state escapism of those Russians who do not consider state as a reliable agent capable to solve their problems.
Abstract. The origins of democracy date back to the Ancient World, and parliamentarism appeared in the Middle Ages. Their fusion to create representative democracy took nearly two centuries with this evolution process resulting in the appearance of present-day liberal democracy, where the latest form of liberalism have little to do with the laissez faire liberalism of the 19-th century or the Keynesian neo-liberalism of the 20-th. It serves the interests of ﬁ nancial oligarchy and imposes its rules upon the whole world. The former right- and left-wing parties are now merged into the same ruling elite. Nor did the former conservatism stand the test of time, resorting to alliance with neo-conservatism. Various opponents of this elite in the West today are called «populists». The most colorful example of this «populism» of the last decade is the movement of «yellow jackets» in France. Its participants unite socialist and anarchist slogans with the conservative ones and demand the «direct democracy». In Russia we have our own tradition of such unity, beginning with the early Slavophils, and supported by A.I. Solzhenitsyn as «democracy from below».
Japanese culture is famous for unique folklore, where monsters called yokai have become very popular. The visual appearance of many yokai occurred in the Edo period (1603-1868) and came to us thanks to the books printed by woodblock printing. The irrepressible imagination of Japanese artists of that time gave rise to amazing creatures, who continue to inspire filmmakers, animators and comic book authors to this day.
Max Weber’s lecture “Science as a vocation and a profession” sums up a hundred years history of the German “Humboldtian” university. From the reflections on the academic career in Germany of his time he passes to the feeling of “inner vocation” and to the science as Weltanschauung. As a sociologist of religion Weber retraces the genealogy of the university profes-sors: the worldly asceticism of the intellectuals has a source in the seculari-zation of the religion of salvation. Humboldtian University was protestant by its spirit, science was experienced as a religious vocation by Lutherans, combining the progressivism of Enlightenment with philosophical specula-tion in the manner of Fichte or Hegel. This University is now dead and the question of inner “vocation” is even a more pressing issue for the scientific community than in times of Weber. Further secularization and democrati-zation of the university eliminates the religious legitimization of the scien-tific research, rests the philosophical one: or Epicurean (“I love this job”), or Stoical (“do what you must”), or Platonic (contemplation of ideas, “the myth of the cave”). Now the choice of scientific research as a profession is a decision largely implying the experience of it as a vocation, since scien-tific activity is not associated with financial or social success.
In the summer of 2014 at the State Museum of Oriental Art in Moscow, a unique collection of silver marks of 999 fine silver was held. They dedicated to the holy places of Mecca, Saudi Arabia the main spiritual center and a place of pilgrimage for Muslims all over the world.
The originals of replica silver stamps were the usual stamps issued in 24 Islamic countries, among them Afghanistan, Algeria, Bangladesh, Iraq, Cameroon, Kuwait, Libya, Mauritania, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and others.
The article deals with the issue of African American identity in the post-segregation period (after 1968). The problem of African Americans’ “double consciousness”, marked for the first time yet in the late 19th – early 20th century, still remains relevant. It is that descendants of slaves, who over the centuries have been relegated to the periphery of the American society, have been experiencing and in part are experiencing an internal conflict, caused by the presence of both American and African components in their identities. The authors focus on Afrocentrism (Afrocentricity) – a socio-cultural theory, proposed by Molefi Kete Asante in 1980 as a strategy to overcome this conflict and to construct a particular form of “African” collective identity of African Americans. This theory, based on the idea of Africa and all people of African descent’s centrality in world history and culture, was urged to completely decolonize and transform African Americans’ consciousness. The Afrocentrists proposed African Americans to re-Africanize their self-consciousness, turn to African cultural roots in order to get rid of a heritable inferiority complex formed by slavery and segregation. This article presents a brief outline of the history of Afrocentrism, its intellectual sources and essential structural elements, particularly Africology. The authors analyze the concepts of racial identity, “black consciousness” and “black unity” in the contexts of the Afrocentric theory and current social realities of the African American community. Special attention is paid to the methodology and practice of Afrocentric education. In Conclusion, the authors evaluate the role and prospects of Afrocentrism among African Americans in the context of general trends of their identities transformations.
The article deals with the phenomenon of monsters as a specific example of creating a kind of sense territoriality by means of historical and philosophical reflection. A particular type of political monster is specified. It argues that the political space has a historical character and undergoes a series of successive transformations. The deformation of space of political means that in the course of the next transformation was made a strategic error changes its meaning, leading to the emergence of the phenomenon of political monsters.
There were several ethnic organizations uniting representatives of the Mordvinians living in Moscow in the 1920s: the society «Syrgozema», the Mordovian club in Maryina Roshcha and the Moscow Mordovian fraternity. These organizations appeared together with other similar organizations in the 1920s as a response to changes of conditions of socio-political life in order to develop ways of self-determination. By the end of the 1920s, the most part of these ethnic societies had ceased existence; the Mordovian organizations had existed until the late 1930s and had also disappeared. The problem of the appearance of the diversity of ethnic organizations and the termination of their activities in Moscow still remains not fully understood, but its importance is undeniable for Russia and for Moscow in particular; the improvement of mechanisms of interaction between peoples remains an urgent task. In this context it is particularly important to consider the activity of specific ethnic groups, integrating them into a single historical context.
Information is given about the new museum in Sviyazhsk, on the territory of the Russian world heritage site. This is the first Russian museum of archaeological wood, based on the archaeological findings of the former town of Sviyazhsk. The Museum exhibits a complete area of wooden buildings Sviyazhsk XVI-XVII centuries, including 40 wooden buildings. The original structure of the new museum, its technical equipment is noted. The new museum meets the highest international standards and has no analogues in the Russian museum practice.