The article describes new methods of quantitative analysis of the maturity of civil society and presents the results of pilot studies conducted on its basis in Rostov Velikiy, Petergof and Vidnoe. The methods presented by the authors were based on those of the World Alliance for Citizen Participation CIVICUS adapted to the context of Russian regions.
The article considers the methodological problems of comparative studies of commemorations of historical events, as one of the most important practices of the politics of memory. Commemoration is interpreted as public acts of remembrance and (re)interpretation of historical figures and events in the contemporary context. The author summarizes the existing approaches to study of commemorations and proposes a more comprehensive methodology. It combines the analysis of strategies of mnemonic actors with comparing the structures of their historical narratives, and the assessment of potential effects of their commemorative practices for transformation of the social and cultural infrastructure of memory about the commemorated event.
The article analyses the process of discursive construction of the image of “liberalism” in post-Soviet Russia. The author sticks at the reputation approach, i.e. considers as “liberals” the politicians and pubic intellectuals who call themselves this way or are regarded as such by their contemporaries. Analyzing the texts of the “liberals” and their critics the author argues that the current crisis of liberalism in Russia is partly a consequence of the form in which it was invented in the 1990s. Liberalism in Russia is associated with the Westernism, obsession with the market economic reforms, paternalist approach to the illiberal majority, criticism of the authoritarian regime and renunciation of imperial ambitions. In the context of political and ideological shifts of the 2000s and the 2010s this combination of ideas facilitated a development of the negative image of liberalism and its political marginalization.
The conventional wisdom holds that in the modern world global processes are opposed to national institutions and cultural values. In criticizing this viewpoint, Y.Bakhmetjev hypothesizes that it is based on the conceptual simplification of the notions of nationalism and globalization at the theoretical level, which turned into the speculative analysis of reality. The theoretical analysis conducted by the author, including the analysis through the deconstruction of the relevant notions and concepts that are based on the latter, points to the need of rethinking the political aspects of nationalism and globalization, as well as connection between nation and national state.
Upsurge of protest activities at the dawn of the first decade of this century coinsided with a new wave of political development. Protest can be associated with a new (the 5th ?) wave of democratization and to that effect with reshuffle of institutions and practices of democratic accountability. Conceptualization of protest may help to reshape democratic accountability. Still the cognitive scheme of protest remains unacknowledged by majority of protesters themselves. The article reconstructs notion of justification and enforcement of one’s rights dating back to Roman law and expressed by the terms provocatio and protestatio. Christian idea of Covenant and Testamentum enrooted appeal to higher authority for redress of grievances. The idea was further developed by Protestants. They employed trilateral cognitive scheme of two pleaders and an arbiter. Further revolutionary upheavals led to reduction of the scheme to binary (left-right) models. Present day discourses provide two models of protest: (1) binary schemata of non-conventional and obstinate protest, and (2) trinary schemata of appeal to outside arbiter, e.g. public opinion, international community etc. for restoration of violated norms. The inner forms and cultural implications of petition, demonstration and manifestation are vital for meaningful understanding of protest actions and to further reshaping democratic accountability.
The problem of growing inequalities is one of the main challenges of the XXI century. The gap between the poorest and the richest people our planet constantly growing. To present-day liberal egalitarian theories of justice have focused exceptionally on questions that are linked to ensure a minimal level of well-being for the most vulnerable groups of the population. Until recently, issues of an excessive wealth of the richest people aren't interested in scientists who explore the problem of social justice.
A scientist from the Netherlands, Ingrid Robeyns, has developed the original conception of limitarianism is directed on limiting excessive wealth. In defense of her theory, the scientist has proposed two key arguments: the democratic argument and the argument from unmet urgent needs. For practical realizing her theory, Robeyns borrow original efforts in The capability Approach was developed by Amartya Sen, Martha Nussbaum, and several other scientists.
Due to quite radical key points of limitarianism, opponents of Robeyns theory have expressed many critical arguments. The solution to the problems underlying the theory of limitarianism was called into question.
This article will examine the key points and arguments Robeyns theory of limitarianism, analyze basic critical objection and try to answer on the question: «Is limitarianism utopia or this theory has good prospects for implementation»?
On the basis of an approach combining elements of political, literature and sociological studies B. Stepanov analyzes A. Prokhanov's novel "Mister Hexogen" as a form of ideological search, and tries to find out how the novel identifies value lacunas and what it offers to fill them in. Seeing Prokhanov's novel as a sort of a symptom reflecting such features of public consciousness of the 2000s as sacralization of power, simulative nature of politics and its mediatization, vagueness and indistinctness of political oppositions and the strive for constructing a holistic ideology that turns into an eclectic combination of prepared ideologies of various origin, the author not only analyzes the literature construct constituted by a symbolic work of Prokhanov as chief editor of the "Zavtra" newspaper, but also considers the assessment this construct gets from representatives of various interpretative communities.
Russia recently experienced a so called “conservative turn”, which was accompanied by a significant strengthening of the Russian Orthodox Church’s (ROC) role in social and political life. The increasingly frequent participation of bishops in official state events, including inaugurations, reflects this trend. On the basis of the analysis of the speeches of the Orthodox clergy at inauguration ceremonies of the heads of subjects of the Russian Federation in 2012—2017, the author shows that the “conservative turn” did not leave the ROC untouched. The author was able to spot an “authoritarian” message in the overwhelming majority of speeches. Not only does the Orthodox clergy emphasize spiritual and moral values, which are interpreted as the foundation of state, but it also shows strong support for the lack of alternation of power, ties success and prosperity of regions to the cooperation of regional authorities with the Church and insists on the divine nature of power per se. If in the early 1990s the ROC criticized the “compulsory statehood”, which deprived people of the opportunity and desire to think independently, and proclaimed principles of equality, freedom and spiritual revival, today its discourse fits perfectly into the conservative discourse of the authorities. According to the author’s conclusion, the leadership of the ROC should be regarded as part of the “conservative coalition” of modern Russia. Such acknowledgment opens up opportunities for a deeper understanding of the reasons for the transformation of the Russian political regime.