METROPOLITAN YEVGENY (BOLKHOVITINOV) AND THE BEGINNING OF STUDY OF TAURIC CHERSONESOS
Angelina A. Zedgenidze
This paper deals with the beginning of study of Chersonesos in the 18th century, namely with the contribution of Metropolitan Yevgeny of Kiev and Galich (Bolkhovitinov, 1767–1837), who was a renowned Orthodox church figure and historian. The scientific significance of Chersonesos lies primarily in the uniquely intact condition (up to the beginning of the 1990s) of its chora. In Chersonesos we can therefore study not only the city, but its chora as well, i.e. study an ancient polis in its integrity. In this sense, Chersonesos serves as an archaeological epitome, a model of a Greek city-state. An important element in the study of chora is mapping its objects. Metropolitan Evgeny is credited with the honour of the frst publication of a large-scale map of Chersonesos and its environs: План развалинам древнего Херсона. Сочинен 1786. This map is a prominent example of scientific documentation; the paper examines its significance for the study of the chora of Chersonesos.
The paper examines Plato’s interpretation of Heraclitus’ most famous river-fragment. The author argues that Plato deliberately misinterpreted this fragment, and that Heraclitus himself (as sources independent from Plato correctly indicate) had not spoken about universal flux but rather about a “stream of consciousness”. Thus the famous saying πάντα ῥεῖ does not belong to Heraclitus but is a Platonic reinterpretation of the authentic saying πάντα χωρεῖ, which has nothing to do with flux. This Heraclitean formula describes the universe as a process of constant change of opposites. The Heracliteans clearly saw a relativistic potential in this theory, and Plato by distorting Heraclitus’ own fragment wanted to demonstrate, how Heraclitean cyclic universe could easily be turned into “universal flux” – a theory that he constantly attacks.
In article the image Πότνιος/Πότνια Ἳππιος in Attic and Argive vase painting of the 8th century BC, in plasticity of the small plastic pieces connected generally with finds from Artemis Orphia’s sanctuary in Sparta 7th – the beginnings of the 6th centuries BC is considered. The key iconometric parameters for representation Πότνιος/Πότνια Ἳππιος in vase painting of the 8th century BC are allocated and also possible iconographic options and the main groups of signs deputies of an antropomofny figure. The carried-out analysis has allowed to note priority use Πότνιος Ἳππιος in vase painting, and Πότνιος/Πότνια Ἳππιος – in small plasticity and also the sufficient similarity to the similar images which are found in petroglyphic art of the Euroasian steppes of II – I millennium BC is noted. In the analysis of monuments with an image Πότνιος/Πότνια Ἳππιος in plasticity of small plastic pieces frequent mixture with an image Πότνιος/Πότνια Θηρῶν is noted and the possible reasons of these art processes are considered. As a working hypothesis the proposal that the popularity of an image Πότνιος/Πότνια Ἳππιος can be proved by specifics of culture genesis of the separate centers of Ancient Greece (first of all such as Attica, Argolida and Sparta) in 8th – the beginning of the 6th centuries BC is made.
In the paper on material of the works by the Latin authors who lived in the Vandal Africa at the turn of the 6-th century (Florentinus, Dracontius) the question is examined: how – and for what purpose – could an image of Carthage, the capital of the Vandal kingdom, be constructed in the local literature. The main conclusion is that its representation in these sources, undoubtedly politically motivated, could be an instrument not only of proVandal propaganda (Carthage – ‘Homeland of Asdingui’), as the most researchers studying this question believe, but also of anti-Vandal one (‘Phoenix Risen’).
The analysis of imagery of the so-called extended similes in Homer`s poems not only clarifies their functions in epic narration – and first of all, the «explanatory» function, but also enables – to some extent – to specify the relationship of Homeric similes with non epic folklore tradition.
Abstract: The article provides a commentary on the “Hexaemeron” of Basil of Caesarea (Hex. 2.7.23–36) where the creation of the light is compared to the way divers push oil out of their mouths under the water. After Basil of Caesarea this comparison was borrowed by Ambrose of Milan and Bede the Venerable in their commentaries on the hexaemeron. The existence of this tradition justifies a more careful study of the subject of comparison, i.e the diving practice itself as described in ancient testimonies. Thus, the article will consider in detail the following texts mentioning diving with oil: “The Natural History” of Pliny the Elder, Plutarch’s “Causes of Natural Phenomena”, “Table-Talk” and the treatise “On the Principle of Cold”, as well as Oppian’s “Halieutica”. Some properties of oil that are useful for diving, such as the ability to not mix with water and to spread widely, mentioned by Plutarch, occur in Hex 2.7. Regarding the composition the comparison used by Basil does not find any parallels in the rest of the text, despite the fact that the theme of the creation of light is exposed throughout the second and sixth homilies of the “Hexaemeron”. Nevertheless, the observations made in this short article are valuable in that they shed light on a place that modern reader and scholars of the “Hexaemeron” do not fully understand. The latter fact is clear in that commentators and translators of Hex. 2.7.23–36 still had settled for an uncomplete explanation of this place which deserves a little more attention.
The paper is devoted to the cross-guard of the fragmentary dagger found in 1984 in the princely nomad burial near the village of Kosika in the Lower Volga area, belonging to the type of gala daggers which were wide spread in Eurasia in the 1st century BC – 1st century AD and became one of the insignia of power as testified by the finds in the princely nomadic burials and their depictions on the royal figures on the stelae from Commagene. The dated (year 238) dotted inscription revealed on the gold overlay of the cross-guard by one of the authors in 2015 and completely cleaned from the iron oxides in 2017 contains an indication of the craftsmen and the weight of gold, confirmed by the eclogist, which means estimated on the highest state level. The inscription allows to suggest with high degree of probability that the dagger may have been manufactured either as a tax payment of the corporation to the state or rather by the decree of the royal person as a gift to an equal person. Moreover, the analysis of the inscription suggests that the object could have made in Asia Minor, perhaps in Commagene, in 74 BC (that means the date belongs to the Seleucid era), rather than in 59 BC, because the existence of the eclogists in the Pontic Kingdom has not been confirmed by any documents. This dating corresponds well to the archaeological dating of the burial in Kosika to the early third quarter of the 1st century BC and the already published hypothesis, that the deceased could have been a participant of the Asia Minor campaign of the Bosporan King Pharnakes in 49–47 BC.
The paper is dedicated to references to the image of Homeric Polyphemus (and other similar fabulous monsters) in the episode of centurion Scaeva’s aristeia in book 6 of Lucan’s Bellum civile (and in other places of the same poem as well). The poet’s interest in this theme is seen as a hint to the allegoric interpretations of Odysseus’ blinding of Polyphemus.
Scholarly discussions concerning the audience of St. Basil’s Ad adolescentes are normally centered on the question whether St. Basil addresses himself to his nephews. However, unlike his friend St. Gregory of Nazianz, Basil is very reserved when it comes to his family, and not much information can be gained from his writings on this point. Due to the lack of biographical evidence, further specification of the audience could proceed by means of comparison with two other writings created around the same time, in the same Roman province, and dedicated to the same subject. The texts in question are St. Gregory’s Carmina ΙΙ. 2. 4 and ΙΙ. 2. 5 and Amphilochius’s Iambi ad Seleucum. We suggest that in all the three cases the authors and their addressees find themselves in similar situations, and attempt to reconstruct these situations on the basis of prosopographical material and other evidence.
The traditional interpretation of Socrates’ last words in Plato’s Phaedo can be traced back to neoplatonic commentaries on the dialogue, yet it become associated with Nietzsche’s view that those words cry for an allegorical interpretation that life is a disease while death is a cure and Socrates is asking his friends to make a sacrifice for Asclepius as he was cured from life as illness. However, the status quaestionis is far from proclaiming this interpretation as the last word on subject: other interpreters not only put forth a decisive critique of the traditional treatment of Socrates’ words, but on the positive side made their own attempts to decipher the ancient riddle. Here I will examine an interpretation that made a name in Foucault’s lectures and was supported by a sufficient number of scholars: well enough reason to see this reading as a credible alternative to the common perspective. According to it Socrates is showing gratitude to Asclepius for having cured Socrates and his friends from the malady of false opinions and of mistrust of logos (misology). After presenting a criticism of the traditional interpretation and Foucalut’s view on the issue I will contribute a share of arguments of my own to strengthen the latter stance. As we will see, the life-disease meaning is in harmony with seeing the Phaedo as an asceticism manifesto while those who advocate for the misology-disease meaning are more tend to think that Plato’s primary concern is to exhort his readers to the life of philosophy and not to blame the embodied life as it is worst of all diseases. Thus, what this paper is trying to achieve is to present the latter view as a worthy alternative to the two millennia-old mainstream.
A review of «Heraclitus of Ephesus. The complete Heritage. In the language of the original and in Russian translation. Edited by S.N. Mouraviev. «Ad marginem», Moscow, 2012».