The article analyzes results of political development of post-Communist countries. It looks at various indices and quantitative measurements of modernization, democratization and state capacity, such as Bertelsmann Transformation Index, The Economist Democracy index, etc. This analysis allows the author to assert correlation between success of a country in building market economy and democratization on one hand, and attaining higher state capacity, on the other. The article further proceeds to discuss evolution of political regimes, electoral systems, effects in changes in the regimes and systems, as well as the current phase of development of political parties’ systems. In most cases the article compares and contrasts trends characteristic of respectively eastern and western parts of the post-Communist space. The article also analyzes impact of external (the aspiration to join the European family of nations) and internal factors on the choice of transformation strategies at different phases of post-Communist developement Certain attention is paid to the phenomenon of retraditionalization which is observed both in eastern and western parts of the postcommunist space. The last sub-chapter of the article constitutes a brief case-study which reveals correlation between the level of development and institutional maturity of the political parties’ system and overall progress of a given country in democratization. The author concludes by asserting that the term of “post-Communist countries” did not exhaust its validity to this day for comparative political studies because in most of these countries transformation processes are still underway.
Knowing and quoting Foucault is unavoidable for contemporary Humanities. Dominating English-speaking tradition even created a particular interdisciplinary field of Foucault Studies. Their representatives analyze the manifold socio-cultural and political phenomena by means of Foucault’s theory. Recent paper takes into consideration the characteristic features and main stages of Foucault Studies’ development. Special attention is paid to the shift of foucauldians’ (as a corporation of Foucault’s followers) approach from the interpretation to abridgment and instrumentalization of thinker’s concepts.
Article is devoted to studying of relationship between religion and politics. The author uses a conceptual framework of the theory of social cleavages and focuses attention on connection between religious groups and their party preferences. Three types of religious cleavages are allocated in work on the basis of the analysis of foreign researches: clerical-secular, inter-confessional, intra-confessional. Consideration of specifics of religious cleavages on materials of various countries allows tracking certain regularities and communications between political preferences and some characteristics of religiosity. Also features of interaction of religious cleavages and the political sphere are opened in work. Accentuation of attention on features allows understanding: why connection of religion and policy are shown not in all countries, why the existing communications can be transformed and not join the existing conception and why religious delimitation is steady.
The article by S.Kaspe represents another round of his polemic with M.Ilyin about the notion of political form unfolded on the pages of the journal Politeia. Responding to the criticism and suggestions made by Ilyin, the author a) protests against the broad interpretation of this concept insisting that it should be limited by spatial, primarily center-periphery, connotations; b) indicates the prospective and pragmatic orientation of his research, in contrast to more retrospective and theoretical studies by the opponent; c) considers that clarifying the relationship between the concepts of political form and political subjectivity is the most promising venue for further research in this field of knowledge. Who determines where the center is and draws borders? Who determines contours of the political form? And who is able to destroy them?
One of the key themes in political philosophy second half of XX century is the theory of justice. Conception was created by John Rawls and found big numbers of followers and opponents. One of the most significant scientists who researched on Theory of Justice was Amartya Sen. He worked from the second half of the XX century till the beginning of the XXI century. Sen offered an original view on The Problem of Justice and set on the general provisions, that formed the basis of “Capability Approach” – the approach that was built on opportunities for each individual. This conception developed in the first decades of the XXI century and also is significant influential these days.
A focus of Sen’s conception is critique so-called “transcendental institutionalism”. Sen linked with this conception not only Rawls and his followers but their irreconcilable opponents like Robert Nozick. Failing to do this approach has enabled him to rise above classical discussion about the nature of justice. At the beginning of the XXI century, a classical discussion has stalled. Sen used original methodology and approaches and was able to create real global theory. Sen’s theory was bidding to resolve many questions of human development.
A new method which Sen proposed take him opportunity to leave from transcendentalism in his theory but on the other hand he takes the main focus on the process of public reasoning and closely related with it democratic process. These features of Sen theory create the preconditions to critique his conception. Metamorphoses of democracy in the modern world do not support hopes related to the growth of freedom, developing and solidarity in the world. Sen himself opted not to use institutional model and it not allowed him to create an idealistic goal. Such an Idealistic model of society could help him to resolve challenges facing democracy and to create direction and goal but Sen consciously abandons that to hope that society resolves these problems themselves. In this article, we argue that it is unreasonably optimistic.
Key words and combinations: justice; transcendental institutionalism; social contract; consequentialism; utilitarianism; freedom; method of impartial spectator; institutionalism; utilitarianism; public reasoning; democracy.
The paper investigates the problem of practical justification of legitimacy of normative concepts. Having discussed three main approaches to solving this problem, B.Sokolov concludes that the most effective one is an approach that appeals to the idea of the treaty among rational individuals about the rules of social coexistence because it aims at achieving congruence of individual interests and of tenets of normative theory, and requires neither use of violence nor introduction of transcendental and unverifiable entities to support claims for normative importance. The main advantage of contract theories is that they provide the minimal possible justification for moral systems and elaborate arguments for why a person who doubts a necessity to follow moral norms (or state laws) could agree with the requirements of this or the other ethical concept
Хотя влиянию интернет-технологий и социальных медиа на протестную активность уже посвящено немало работ, их воздействие на интенсивность террористических атак изучено пока недостаточно. Стремясь заполнить существующий пробел, Н.Хохлов и А.Коротаев проанализировали связь между показателями распространения интернета и количеством терактов. Согласно их гипотезе, поскольку в ситуации подконтрольности СМИ режиму именно Интернет открывает возможности для быстрого и широкого распространения информации о терактах, увеличение числа интернет-пользователей в автократиях должно быть положительно связано с интенсивностью террористических атак. В странах с демократическими или гибридными режимами, где хотя бы часть СМИ функционирует относительно свободно, такого рода связь должна отсутствовать. Тестирование гипотезы осуществлялось на материалах Global Terrorism Database и базы данных Всемирного банка с использованием отрицательных биномиальных регрессионных моделей.
Проведенное авторами исследование отчасти подтвердило выдвинутую гипотезу. Анализ эмпирических данных показал, что в автократиях распространение интернета действительно является фактором роста интенсивности террористических атак, тогда как в странах с демократическими и гибридными политическими режимами подобной зависимости не просматривается. Вместе с тем полученные результаты не позволяют утверждать, что выявленные различия проистекают из особенностей медиа-среды при режимах раз- ного типа. Проверка этого предположения требует дальнейших изысканий и уточнения исследовательской методики, в том числе за счет смещения фокуса внимания на уровень отдельных регионов, а также изучения каузальных механизмов с помощью смешанных методов и байесовской статистики.