Since the moment of its consolidation and for a century after Italy has been one of the major sources of world emigration. However, shifts of demographic, migrational and economical development resulted in state's mass attraction of immigrants. Present article describes and analyses principal stages of immigration from Italy, Italians' resettlement directions over states and continents, as well as shift from emigration to immigration.
Relations between Russia and the European Union are in a deep crisis. Their perspectives are uncertain. Nevertheless the expert community continues to explore the situation looking on its origin and eventual consequences. It is in train of discussing and drawing proposals and recommendations on how to break the deadlock. Intensive contacts are under way. The commitment of expert community has a positive impact on politics and politicians. Objective information on what is going on in Russia and the EU carves the way. Due to the efforts of expert community there are some orientations following which both parties, as well as the EU and the Eurasian economic union member-states could accelerate their path to much more stable, healthy and sustainable relationship. A thorough analysis of what is done by expert community and of shortcomings is carried out in this research paper.
The migration policy of the post-socialist Poland concentrates on three main directions. First, a course in relation to compatriots living abroad – labor migrants and representatives of the old diasporas, for whom in 2007 «Pole’s card» was introduced. Secondly, a regulation of labor migration from the post-Soviet space, primarily Ukraine, to Poland. Third, a counteraction against afro-asiatization of Poland, which has acquired special relevance after the beginning of the migration crisis in the European Union. These areas of migration policy are highly interdependent. In recent years, the topic of migration has become increasingly important and controversial in Poland, causing disagreement even in government. The dynamics of strategic approaches can be traced by comparing the concept of migration policy that was in force in 2012-2016 and the draft document intended to replace it, which became public in mid-2019. Currently in power, eurosceptic conservatives, strongly rejecting multiculturalism, bet on the return of compatriots to the country and the attraction of Eastern Slavs as temporary labor migrants. The draft of the new migration strategy has been sharply criticized for its Islamophobia and assimilatory attitude towards those migrants who wish to choose Poland for permanent residence. The migration policy of post-socialist Poland combines economic pragmatism with an appeal to various historical traditions. This gives the Polish strategy a great originality, which does not exclude its certain similarities with other Central European countries and the importance of Poland’s experience for Russia.
The article presents a vision of the EU internal market" structure, its logic and methods of regulation, conceived in 1950-1980s and approved by 25 years of practice. Based on the operationalist approach, the search for the content of the concept of a single market was carried out. The purpose of the article is to present the EU internal market as a functioning model with a fundamental basis and interrelated mechanisms. The proposed definitions and vision of the European model of market integration can serve as a methodological basis for further description of the phenomenon, analysis of indicators of its development and conceptual issues of Eurasian economic integration.
Export is not the only driver of growth that helped German economy to revive fast after the Great Recession 2008-09. As important was the package of reforms Agenda 2010 aimed at liberalization of labour market. It made employment relations more flexible inter alia by deregulation of non-standard employment. Atypical forms of employment facilitate labour market entry for recruits and long-term unemployed, they increase the scope of flexibility for both employees and business and help employers to satisfy the fluctuating labour demand. The spread of atypical employment relationship strongly contributed to German employment boom, so called “Jobwunder”, and currently Germany shows a record level of employment and quite low unemployment rate. At the same time atypical employment may cause an increase in various social risks, low-wage jobs explosion and precarisation. Still, it would be misleading to identify precarious work and non-standard employment because of the heterogeneity of the latter.
This paper gives an overview of specific features of the atypical employment in Germany, deals with its development dynamics and evaluates negative and positive effects on labour market.
This article is devoted to the role of Japan as a “strategic partner” of the EU in East Asia. The article analyzes evolution of the Japan’s role in the EU’s policy towards East Asia, compares the scope of cooperation between the EU and its three main partners in the region – China, Japan and South Korea. The author comes to the conclusion that the main partner in the region for the EU is China, although there are considerable divergences between them in the area of political norms and values. The position of the EU appears to be ambivalent: putting consolidation of norms and rules among the third countries as a key element of its foreign policy, in East Asia the EU relies not on the like-minded partner, which is deemed to be Japan, but on the most economically powerful partner, thus preferring economic interests to the idealistic ones. Japan, which, along with the EU, is called “normative power”, appears to be on the sideline of the EU’s priorities in the region and is equaled in significance with South Korea as a “natural political partner”. Such a choice seems to be rational, but puts under question the liberal-idealistic self-identification of the EU as a “normative power”.
The paper describes the relations between the EU and the EAEU at the present stage, based on the tools of political science and economics. The author criticizes the parties for the primacy of radical conservatism technologies in relations with each other and unfair competition. The article summarizes objective preconditions for EU–EAEU relationships and common elements of two integration models. As well as the problematic elements of the Eurasian integration model that prevent the integration of integrations are noted. Then the author offers recommendations to the EAEU to improve the internal integration strategy and proposes a transition of EU–EAEU relations to the stage of cooperative competition.
Adstract. The article studies the current acute crisis in the relations between Russia and the EU and offers a broader political framework for the analysis and practical proposals for the gradual normalization of these relations. A relatively new situation has emerged in Russia – EU relations today, opening up additional opportunities for restoring normal cooperation. The analysis of the main contradictions between the EU and Russia and the five principles of the EU policy towards Russia show that there remains a common political and economic basis for improving relations. For each crisis issue, including the Ukrainian crisis, it is possible to find ways for a mutually beneficial solution. To begin with, the official contacts in the framework of existing treaties and agreements could be partially or temporarily resumed (including the level of Russia – EU summits); the selective partnership should be intensified as well.
The aim of the article is to clarify some tendencies of how EU’s external policy is formed. Using the postcolonial approach, the authors illuminate the influence of history on the system of international relations, in particular on the normative influence today. Using the 2016 EU's Global Strategy as an example, the authors demonstrate the specificity of the EU's policy that is aimed at the maintenance of its normative leadership in wider Europe. Brussels accords particular attention to the role of Russia in this agenda, which on the one hand allows speaking about Russia as an independent actor but on the other hand certifies that the perception of Russia as a recipient of international norms (and not as an agent of these norms) is still firmly established in the EU.