This article is part of the project ‘A Sociology of the Transnational Constitution’, carried out at the University of Manchester under the supervision of Professor Christopher Thornhill. The article describes characteristics of the material constitution in Russia as a unique model of legal accountability of public authorities in the context of secondary constitutionalization. Throughout examination of the four main manifestations of the process of secondary constitutionalization in Russia, the paper argues that because this process is driven by legal actors, the Russian political system is evolving in a rather asymmetrical manner. Thus, despite the relatively low level of political accountability of public authorities, the Russian political system is marked by a rather progressive form of legal accountability. The process of secondary constitutionalization is characterized by strong authority of international law, large-scale judicial control over the actions and decisions of public authorities, high level of litigation and transformation of the language of litigation and legal reasoning due to openness of the legal system to international law.
In this article is presented economic-legal monitoring of participation of the noncommercial non-governmental organizations (NCO) in a state administrative department and is analyzed the Russian experience and practice of foreign countries. It's a question about NCO not connected with the authority and business. At the heart of creation NCO is laid the various interests expressed by separate persons and collectives.
The author of the article notes that at present the civil conscience is in a transformation period: not only a public demand to the state changes considerably in Russia, the attitude of the population towards the nature, purpose and place of the state in the society undergoes material changes.
The article concerns problems of status of the Crimean-Tatar people in Russia; analyses legal status thereos in the past substantiates opportunites of state-law arragement of Crimean Tatars in the Russian Federation
The following features of the competence of ombudsmen in the Ibero-American countries have been covered in this article. Among the most significant features its participation in proceedings of amparo and habeas data was investigated. One of the most notable features of the Ombudsman's competencies is to apply to the Constitutional Court with a request to verify the constitutionality of the legislation. The exercise of this right is not a part of daily work, but this phenomenon is important because it has a political effect and draws the state's attention to the violations of the constitutional rights of an unlimited number of persons. A special feature of the Ombudsman's competencies is a wide range of opportunities in the supranational and international fields. It is concluded that the priority of the activities of the Ibero-American ombudsmen is the protection of human rights in a broader context, unlike in other countries of the world, especially Scandinavian countries where the ombudsman, in relation to the complaints, checks the good administration, the functioning of the executive authorities and works like an additional control and resolution of administrative disputes.
Please find below a short comment from me that I send to the readers. It all began when some people at an economic theory conference asked me to tell them about the status quo in the modern competition in politics. The question is nothing new and the reasons why it is asked are understandable enough. But given the venue where it was asked, it was naturally extended and finally looked like: If we take the concepts of healthy business competition and healthy competition in politics, can we establish a link between the two-' Frankly, I never thought about that. The reason for that is the fact that the legal regulation of the antimonopoly measures and the political pluralism policies regulation are the subject matters of two quite different specializations in the legal profession. Nevertheless, I made a mental note about the problem identified to me, and I started making real notes on paper on matters related to the theme. Then it suddenly turned out the idea to discuss the problem was in the air and the modern economic conditions really produced the question. Can we put an equality mark between the competition in politics and business competition- Is it true that political monopolies inevitably bring about more unhealthy competitive business practicesThe questions seem to be as pressing as the usual Russian questions Who is to blame- and What should be done- and the question of who would rule the country in the future. I understand that the problem cannot be examined from the point of view of a legal professional only as the problem is only partially legal. That is why I suggest a multidisciplinary discussion should be opened. As a specialist in the constitutional law that examines the legal regulation of the state power, I shall try and examine the problem from a legal specialist's point of view.
The article deals with the rights and duties of private persons and officials involved in parliamentary enquiries in the Russian Federation according to the Law On parliamentary enquiries of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. The research sets a distinction in legal status of the above mentioned group with the status of testimonies in court trial. A special accent is drawn to the participation of the President of the Russian Federation in parliamentary enquiries in context of the exclusion of its activity from parliamentary enquiry. Special attention is attached to the solution of this issue in the constitutional practice of the Fifth Republic in France. The research covers the mechanisms of liability of individuals involved in parliamentary enquiries in the Russian Federation.
The article is devoted to a particular form of freedom of assembly — the right to counter-demonstrate. The author underlines the value of this right as an element of democratic society, but also acknowledges the risk of violent actions among participants of opposing demonstrations. Due to this risk, the government may adopt adequate measures restricting the right to counter-demonstrate, certain types of which are analyzed in this paper.
In spite of numerous researches in the said sphere of the science of constitutional law at present there is no more or less unambiguous understanding of legal nature of decisions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation and also those peculiarities which are conditioned thereby. In this connection the purpose of the present article is the attempt to work out the most general approaches (normalization, exhaustibility of normalization and etc.) to the understanding of this problem.