The paper presents analysis of the UK presidency in the EU in 2005, its priorities and outcomes, reflected in the EU and UK documents and formal statements of the leaders. The analysis leads to a conclusion that in spite of the density of the Presidency agenda and simultaneous responsibility for the G8 Chairmanship, the Presidency achieved most of its objectives including successful agreement of the EU 2007-2013 financial perspective.
There were never be codifying statute or authorized legislation system in Russia (or former Soviet Union) in the sphere of development assistance in spite of corresponding norms adopted within contemporary Russian legislation. It is explained the need for new approach to develop national legislation on development assistance and code of terminology used in this sphere. The article analyzes the correspondence of the Russian Federation's legislation to international law, regulating activities of the donor states in economic development assistance provision to the developing countries and emerging economies. The authors give recommendations to establish the national legislation in the sphere of international development assistance and cooperation starting from the corresponding terms and notions base.
The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) is one of the key platforms of the multilateral dialogue on global agenda issues in the Asia-Pacific region. Notwithstanding its regional character, the annual APEC leaders` summits significance is comparable with that of the key global governance institutions, such as the G8 and G20, summits. With increasing integration and enhanced economic relationships as well as established interaction pattern the APEC influence on regional and global economic agenda is growing. In spite of the fact that APEC initially positioned itself as a “free group of economics” not a political association, the member states step-by-step turn to the most acute worldwide political issues, which is reflected in the leaders` statements made during the summit. The analysis of the APEC 2013 summit which was held within the Indonesian presidency on 7-8 October 2013 on Bali provides an insight into the main drivers of the APEC agenda. Given that currently all countries face similar economic and social challenges: low and stalling economic growth, need to pursue fiscal consolidation, persistent structural unemployment, widening income disparities, base erosion and profit shifting as well as tax evasion, climate change negative consequences etc, it`s useful to analyze the measures implemented at the regional level (APEC), as well as the global level (G20). A comparison with the G20 is largely determined shared challenges and by the intersecting memberships: almost half of the members of the institutions participate in both fora, namely Australia, Canada, China, Indonesia, Japan, Mexico, Republic of Korea, Russia and the United States. The recent APEC and G20 agendas aim to coordinate actions to resolve the shared problems and move towards new growth models. The analysis is based on the key summit documents - Bali Declaration “Resilient Asia-Pacific, Engine of Global Growth”, Joint Ministerial Statement, leaders` statements and accompanying documents. The analysis permits to identify the vector of APEC agenda development.
The review covers the WTO report “Can Blockchain revolutionize international trade?” The report studies the multifaceted effects of Blockchain on international trade and its multiple applications. Digitalization of the cross-border transactions as the key effect would be particularly beneficial for the most paper-intensive processes, including trade finance, trade facilitation, trade in services, intellectual property and public procurement. The significant positive and transformative effect of Blockchain on international trade goes without saying, but the author warns against being too enthusiastic on the prospects of the full-size trade digitalization. As this requires enhanced trust between parties of the cross-border transactions, as well as international cooperation and joint efforts to build Blockchain ecosystems, and tackle legal and policy issues.
In this article the author analyzes the current state and prospects of integration associations and formats for multilateral economic cooperation in terms of implementing the initiative of the Greater Eurasian Partnership. The role of this initiative as an instrument of Russian policy is thoroughly examined and its potential is assessed for strengthening international cooperation in Eurasia. In particular, the possibilities of harmonizing key projects and initiatives within the framework of the idea of co-development of the continent's states are analyzed. The authors explore the potential of the largest multilateral formats in Eurasia, both in the economic sphere - the Comprehensive Regional Economic Partnership (CREP), the One-Belt-One Road Initiative (OBOR), the Eurasian Economic Union (EAU), etc.
A special focus is placed on the possibility of connecting Russia to multilateral economic (integration) projects in Eurasia in terms of advancing its strategic interests, as well as realizing the potential of the EEU as a structural pillar of Greater Eurasia institute. The conclusion is that the current state of regional economic institutions does not fully correspond to Russia's interests. In the economic sphere of "Greater Eurasia" there is an institutional congestion caused by the existence of a number of parallel developing integration initiatives and mechanisms for economic cooperation.
It is concluded that the strengthening of the EEU as the institutional core of the "Greater Eurasia" can become the basis for the formation of a balanced normative mega-space. However, the relatively small aggregate economic potential of the member states of the Union does not allow the EEU to be the largest economic pole and the leading center for the development of multilateral institutions in Greater Eurasia. The authors suggest that the solution to this contradiction could be the development of the Comprehensive Eurasian Partnership towards the interface of the EEU, the largest format for developing the rules of the international economic life in Asia, both to secure Russian interests and to strengthen international cooperation.
This article focuses on BRICS engagement with other international organizations in fulfilling the global governance functions. The study is based on the qualitative and quantitative analysis of references to international institutions in BRICS documents, identifying and examining the models and intensity of engagement, and their distribution across institutions and time.
The findings of the study suggest that the dynamics of BRICS engagement with other international institutions is positive. However, despite the increase in the absolute number of references, a decrease in their intensity is observed. This trend persists in spite of the expansion of BRICS agenda and the establishment of cooperation mechanisms involving BRICS and other international institutions in new areas.
BRICS engagement with international institutions is mainly based on two models: the “catalyst” approach and “parallel treatment”. In addition, BRICS countries use mechanisms for coordinating their positions in international institutions on issues relevant to their agenda and broader policy areas. The establishment of BRICS own institutions has not led to a noticeable decrease in the number and intensity of references to other international organizations. Thus, the BRICS and its New Development Bank and Contingent Reserve Arrangement should be considered as a new tool for the development of multilateralism and coordination rather than alternatives or competitors to existing international institutions.
The analysis leads to the conclusion that in order to enhance the effectiveness of global governance mechanisms it is necessary for BRICS to intensify its cooperation with other institutions, giving priority to leadership in setting their priorities and identifying new areas of work, concrete decisions to support them, delegation of mandates and development of mechanisms for coordinating the positions of the five countries rather than deliberation on the institutions’ activities.
This article examines the phenomenon of the BRICS grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa from the perspective of several theories of international relations; in particular, power transition theory, soft power and peaceful coexistence concepts, the theory of “global regionalism” and status theories are reviewed. Each explains both the BRICS phenomenon and the role of this integration association in the present-day international relations system. It is concluded that, depending on research objectives and the way it is applied, each theory – despite limitations – has explanatory power. Together they create an interdisciplinary basis for studying complex phenomena such as the BRICS.
A number of modern theories hold that, along with the pursuit of purely material and pragmatic interests, the BRICS countries actively use this integration association to strengthen their positions in the world arena and elevate their international status.
It is also concluded that the BRICS succeeded in creating an image of an alternative model of world order based on the principles of cooperation, mutual respect and balance of interests, rather than mandate, discrimination and hierarchy. It is premature to make a statement that a principally new type of interstate relations or an international institution has been created within the BRICS framework. At the same time, it is also certain that some positive experience has already been accumulated in the framework of this forum, and that this association offers good prospects for the future. For this reason it is of considerable interest for international relations theory.
This article deals with the nature and degree of influence of service liberalization on the participation of BRICS countries in global value chains (GVCs). The authors used econometric analysis to determine the inverse relationship between barriers in infrastructure services and the degree of countries’ participation in global value chains. Using data on the structure of trade in goods and services in terms of value added, they analyzed the situation of developing countries through the example of the BRICS countries of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa in production and service GVCs. They found China and India to be the most deeply integrated in the international production and service chains. Russia, Brazil and South Africa are included in production value chains more as suppliers of raw materials and intermediate goods with low added value, but nonetheless have significant potential to expand their participation in international production systems, in particular by improving the infrastructure necessary for GVCs. Based on the study of liberalization of certain service sectors in BRICS countries, the authors noted the positive impacts of reducing barriers in maritime, rail and air transportation and of finance for improving the quality and reducing the cost of services. In many respects, these effects were the result not only of reducing barriers in services, but also of implementing measures to increase a country’s investment attractiveness. The article concludes that the liberalization of infrastructure services industries can become one of the tools for integrating the BRICS countries into GVCs. However, this liberalization should be part of a broader development strategy that includes trade and investment policy measures to increase participation in global production and the overall economic development of the country.