The article shows how views on the first stage of the policy process, agenda setting, have been developed in political science. We discuss different approaches to political agenda definition and different ways to indicate this kind of agenda, focusing on parliamentary agenda. Examples of indicators used by political scientists include parliamentary questions, parliamentary debates or hearings, parliamentary inquiries and legislative initiatives.
Moreover, this paper provides an overview of factors deemed to be the most important for the development of agenda-setting research and the key direction of academic literature in this field. The paper contains a critique of the main agenda-setting conceptual models. The current conceptual trends of this research approach are outlined, which includes the break with American-based agenda-setting theory, the spread of comparative analysis, the development of quantitatively oriented policy methods, and the increase in policy dynamics research. Media impact and political parties’ influence on the political agenda are also highlighted in the latest empirical studies.
The results are based on an analysis of research projects that were represented in Web of Science publications with the highest citation index. Publications were selected by using the topic "Agenda setting" in the category "Political science", without selection of a concrete time period. Statistics of co-citation were analysed and a co-citation map was created through the computer program VOSviewer.
The article is dedicated to the analysis of economically vulnerable categories of youth in OECD and Russia with particular focus on the comparative analysis of various characteristics of NEETs. Labour force participation of young people in the developed countries decreased during 2000-2015 which was associated not only with the cyclical crisis, but also with an increase in the proportion of young people who continue their education. The new statistical indicator – NEET - reflects the ratio of those young people who are not in employment, education or training. Thus, it should identify economically vulnerable groups of young people who experience difficulties with the transition from school to work. The article states that NEET should not be regarded as the only indicator of economic deprivation of young people. The reasons for the drop out from education and employment can be diverse. The category of NEET unites young people with different experience in employment, personal characteristics and life goals. For some of them economic inactivity is a voluntary choice. That is why one should always consider differences in NEET types. However, the majority of NEET group consists of economically vulnerable young people who definitely need support from the state. In OECD countries about 60% of all NEETs got in this state due to some disfunction of the labour market, and the remaining 40% - due to some social or medical reasons. Countries of Southern Europe are characterized by the highest proportion of long-term unemployed and desperate NEETs, reflecting the tough character of youth labour market adjustment to the crisis. The risk of falling into the NEET group as a whole is higher among young women and those who have low levels of education. Effective youth policy is impossible without the consideration of all aspects of youth labour market. This is relevant both to developed and transition economies, including Russia. In Russia the share of NEET youth has been declining over the past twenty years and now is at the level of European mean values. At the same time the structure of NEET youth in Russia is dominated not by the unemployed, i.e. those actively seeking work, but by economically inactive young people who are outside the labour market. One of the most disturbing features of the structure of Russian NEET youth is an increase in the proportion of young graduates with higher education. It points to the difficulties of matching between education and labour market which can come as a result of so-called massovization of higher education.
E-government is considered as the fundamental institutional innovation in the article. The author analyzes the best practices and points the key factors of transformations’ success such as the conceptual framework, the responsible political leadership, the qualitative legislation and the protection of Law.
The article is devoted to the current situation in the Sino-Japanese dispute over Senkaku/ Diaoyutai Islands, as well as to its implications for the policy of Tokyo in the national security field. The paper analyzes historical and legal arguments of the parties and shows that one of the main obstacles in resolving the conflict lies in the sphere of national prestige. Possible responses to the challenges Japan faces in connection with the aggravation of the Senkaku problem are observed in three areas: strengthening the security treaty with the United States, the resolution of the conflict within the bilateral framework with China and the diversification of Japan’s own security policy.