By 1999, Russia's economy was growing at almost 7% per year, and by 2008 reached 11th place in the world GDP rankings. Russia is now the world's second largest producer and exporter of oil, the largest producer and exporter of natural gas, and as a result has the third largest stock of foreign exchange reserves in the world, behind only China and Japan. But while this impressive economic growth has raised the average standard of living and put a number of wealthy Russians on the Forbes billionaires list, it has failed to solve the country's deep economic and social problems inherited from the Soviet times. Russia continues to suffer from a distorted economic structure, with its low labor productivity, heavy reliance on natural resource extraction, low life expectancy, high income inequality, and weak institutions. While a voluminous amount of literature has studied various individual aspects of the Russian economy, in the West there has been no comprehensive and systematic analysis of the socialist legacies, the current state, and future prospects of the Russian economy gathered in one book. The Oxford Handbook of the Russian Economy fills this gap by offering a broad range of topics written by the best Western and Russian scholars of the Russian economy. While the book's focus is the current state of the Russian economy, the first part of the book also addresses the legacy of the Soviet command economy and offers an analysis of institutional aspects of Russia's economic development over the last decade. The second part covers the most important sectors of the economy. The third part examines the economic challenges created by the gigantic magnitude of regional, geographic, ethnic, religious and linguistic diversity of Russia. The fourth part covers various social issues, including health, education, and demographic challenges. It will also examine broad policy challenges, including the tax system, rule of law, as well as corruption and the underground economy. Michael Alexeev and Shlomo Weber provide for the first time in one volume a complete, well-rounded, and essential look at the complex, emerging Russian economy.
By the end of the 2000s Russia had become an increasingly authoritarian state, which was characterised by the following features: outrageously unfair and fraudulent elections, the existence of weak and impotent political parties, a heavily censored (often self-censored) media, weak rubber-stamping legislatures at the national and sub-national levels, politically subordinated courts, the arbitrary use of the economic powers of the state, and widespread corruption. However, this picture would be incomplete without taking into account the sub-national dimension of these subversive institutions and practices across the regions of the Russian Federation. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, sub-national political developments in Russia became highly diversified and the political map of Russia’s regions became multi-faceted. The period of 2000s demonstrated a drive on the part of the Kremlin to re-centralise politics and governance to the demise of newly-emerging democratic institutions at both the national and sub-national levels. Yet, federalism and regionalism remain key elements of the research agenda in Russian politics, and the overall political map of Russia’s regions is far from being monotonic. Rather, it is similar to a complex multi-piece puzzle, which can only be put together through skilful crafting. The 12 chapters in this collection are oriented towards the generation of more theoretically and empirically solid inferences and provide critical evaluations of the multiple deficiencies in Russia’s sub-national authoritarianism, including: principal-agent problems in the relations between the layers of the ‘power vertical’, unresolved issues of regime legitimacy that have resulted from manipulative electoral practices, and the inefficient performance of regional and local governments. The volume brings together a team of international experts on Russian regional politics which includes top scholars from Britain, Canada, Russia and the USA.
Сборник статей российских авторов, рассматривающих различные аспекты российской политики после присоединения Крыма, в целом утверждающих, что такое развитие событий перекрывает перспективы модернизации страны.
This report is the culmination of a multi-year Track II initiative jointly organized by the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO) and the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), with support from Carnegie Corporation of New York. The project brought together leading American and Russian experts on the Asia-Pacific for a dialogue on key regional issues. The participants in the meetings are listed below. While some of the participants provided feedback on drafts of this report, the content is solely the responsibility of the authors.
Впервые с единой точки зрения осмысляются технологии брендинга в современном обществе. Брендинг понимается как формирование и продвижение комплексов социальных мифов различного уровня. Используются уникальные прорывные концепции и методики, разработанные на отечественном материале и успешно применяемые российскими и зарубежными компаниями. Особый акцент делается на социално-культурной сфере.
Рассчитана на руководителей, менеджеров и специалистов по PR и рекламе, студентов и преподавателей управленческих специальностей и специализаций, слушателей и организаторов соот ветствующих курсов переподготовки и повышения квалификации, а также всех тех, кого интересуют информационно-коммуникативные технологии в сровременном обществе и проблемы повышения их эффективности.
In 2012, the Valdai International Discussion Club presented its report “Toward the Great Ocean or the New Globalization of Russia” for the political and expert communities in Russia and abroad. The present report, “Toward the Great Ocean-2”, is a follow-up on the previous one; it has taken into account the experience gained in implementing some of the recommendations contained in the first report and results of its broad discussion.
The authors of the present report hold that the shift of the center of gravity and the pivot of Russia’s foreign and foreign-economic policies toward the Asia-Pacific region is a natural and top-priority response to the challenge faced by the country in the global and diverse world of the 21st century. We have been witnessing an unprecedentedly fast shift of the center of the world economy and politics to Asia. Asia’s economic growth has become a “locomotive” driving many economies in the world, which have reoriented themselves to the supply of raw materials and goods to China, India and Southeast Asian countries. None of the leading states in the contemporary world can claim a truly global status without a strong presence in the Pacific. Russia, too, can and must use opportunities opened by the “Asian century.”
Работа посвящена процессу институционального и экономического устройства формирующегося макрорегиона Большой Евразии, получившей новый качественный стимул для своего развития в контексте Российско-Китайской Декларации от 8 мая 2015 г. о сопряжении проектов Евразийского экономического союза и Экономического пояса Шелкового пути.
This volume discusses post-socialist urban transport functioning and development in Russia, within the context of the country’s recent transition towards a market economy. Over the past twenty-five years, urban transport in Russia has undergone serious transformations, prompted by the transitioning economy. Yet, the lack of readily available statistical data has led to a gap in the inclusion of Russia in the body of international transport economics research. By including ten chapters of original, cutting-edge research by Russian transport scholars, this book will close that gap. Discussing topics such as the relationship between urban spatial structure and travel behavior in post-soviet cities, road safety, trends and reforms in urban public transport development, transport planning and modelling, and the role of institutions in post-soviet transportation management, this book provides a comprehensive survey of the current state of transportation in Russia. The book concludes with a forecast for future travel development in Russia and makes recommendations for future policy. This book will be of interest to researchers in transportation economics and policy as well as policy makers and those working in the field of urban and transport planning.
This book is about a facinating trip to ancient and modern Troy and about the fact that the Trojans defeated the Greeks and not the other way around, as is commonly believed. Also, we state the well-known Greek religion, with its specific anthropomorphism, was artificially created for political reasons; and soft power, information warfare, and the falsification of history do not constitute innovations – they are the oldest essential characteristic of Western thinking. The book refutes the conventional wisdom that “history is written by the victors”. On the contrary, we have shown that the victors are those who have managed to write history
This is the first book on the U.S. presidential election system to analyze the basic principles underlying the design of the existing system and those at the heart of competing proposals for improving the system. The book discusses how the use of some election rules embedded in the U.S. Constitution and in the Presidential Succession Act may cause skewed or weird election outcomes and election stalemates. The book argues that the act may not cover some rare though possible situations which the Twentieth Amendment authorizes Congress to address. Also, the book questions the constitutionality of the National Popular Vote Plan to introduce a direct popular presidential election de facto, without amending the Constitution, and addresses the plan’s “Achilles’ Heel.” In particular, the book shows that the plan may violate the Equal Protection Clause from the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution. Numerical examples are provided to show that the counterintuitive claims of the NPV originators and proponents that the plan will encourage presidential candidates to “chase” every vote in every state do not have any grounds. Finally, the book proposes a plan for improving the election system by combining at the national level the “one state, one vote” principle – embedded in the Constitution – and the “one person, one vote” principle. Under this plan no state loses its current Electoral College benefits while all the states gain more attention of presidential candidates.
Our era is closely connected with the ‘digital revolution’ that has irreversibly extended humanity’s capacity for progress. This is especially clear when one compares the digital revolution with innovations across the entirety of human history. Meanwhile, the topic of ‘barbarism’ remains on political agenda; this is a phenomenon antithetical to civilisational achievements. Barbarism is mentioned when discussing extremely aggressive inter-ethnic clashes and inter-religious conflicts and is used conceptually to signify destruction of historical and cultural monuments. Barbarism is also discussed in reference to something else: as a by-product of a contemporary civilisation that oversimplifies culture, the dissemination of ideas about the world, and the realities of humanity, and does so at the level of collective consciousness. The topic of barbarism is important for contemporary scientific agendas. Sociologists, psychologists, and ethnologists study issues relating to barbarism and try to find an explanation for its social roots, in order to better understand the nature of ethnic and religious conflicts, and the psychology behind terrorism. In this essay, we will approach barbarism from an academic point of view, as a complicated socio-cultural and political phenomenon, which has appeared across historical eras, regions, and civilisations in different ways. We examine two concepts of barbarism: the first, horizontal barbarism, which is closer to traditional interpretations of barbarism. The second is ‘vertical barbarism’ (Rathenau in Ortega y Gasset, 1929), which entails making social realities rougher, simpler, and more primitive. Whereas the first notion is related to direct clashes between different ethnic groups, religions, and civilisations, the second concept refers to complicated social processes, primarily involving powerful vertical mobility, with increasing opportunities for different groups of people to gain access to the advanced achievements of human civilisation. The contemporary era is unique: despite the massive technological progress associated with globalisation, which many argue is supposed lead to the unification and standardisation of social reality, discrepancies between social and economic patterns of life Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute 2 remain, and different civilisations and political regimes interact with one another in complicated ways. In our research, we do not consider barbarism some sort of evil personified by ‘bad guys’, a notion that contradicts and hinders the ongoing progress of human civilisation. Such an approach might result in the illusion that barbarism can be easily eliminated. Adhering to such a fallacy must be avoided so that accurately informed decisions can be made. For the authors, barbarism, whether it is ‘horizontal’ or ‘vertical’, is a phenomenon inseparable from human civilisation’s development, and in most cases, is neither reactionary nor a ‘force of reaction’. The progress of human civilisation, while reducing the likelihood of barbarism, creates certain conditions for the its sudden appearance in unexpected and illogical circumstances. That is why the main goal of this essay is to understand the processes that lead to barbarism, and how barbarism can be weakened. We see the fight for the diminished influence of barbarism, and its consequent marginalisation, as a complicated process, based on a deep understanding of the mechanisms of barbarism’s evolution. Thus, we employ a historical approach that makes it possible to better understand the reasons for the increase in barbarous activity and helps reveal the characteristics of its evolution. The essay begins with a theoretical analysis of the phenomenon of socio-cultural and political barbarism. Then we analyse this with reference to specific historical periods,countries, and regions.
Сборник составлен по итогам VIII Международной научной конференции "Модернизация экономики и общественное развитие", организованной Государственным университетом - Высшей школой экономики при участии Всемирного банка и Международного валютного фонда и проходившей 3-5 апреля 2007 г. в Москве. Рассматриваются роль общества в модернизации экономики, проблемы государственного управления, самоуправления гражданского общества, социальная политика. Для экономистов, социологов, юристов, политиков, а также студентов, аспирантов и преподавателей вузов. Книга может быть полезна всем, кто интересуется проблемами и перспективами реформирования российской экономики.
Сборник содержит материалы VI Всероссийского конгресса политологов (Москва, 22-24 ноября 2012 г.), содержание докладов и выступлений российских и зарубежный участников, включённых в научную программу конгресса, а также материалы III Форума молодых политологов. Всего было получено 948 заявок на участие в конгрессе (почти 698 заявок в основном конкурсе и 250 заявок на Форум молодых политологов). В данном издании опубликованы тезисы тех докладов, которые прошли экспертизу в соответствии с принятой в рамках конгресса РАПН процедурой.
В сентябре 2009 года Дмитрий Медведев представил термин, который должен был стать определяющим для целей его президентства: «модернизации». После того, как он оставил должность весной 2012 года, стало ясно, что никаких серьезных изменений такого рода не произошло, а общественное напряжение только возросло. Почему это так? И почему в посткоммунистической России сопротивление реформам было настолько серьёзным, причём не только в этом, но и в других случаях? Различные авторы этой книги, российские интеллектуалы, которые формируют подобные дискуссии в самой России, а также ведущие ученые из других стран, сосредоточили свое внимание на спорном характере концепции модернизации и препятствиях, которые возникли при попытке претворить ее в жизнь – препятствиях, которые в ближайшие годы обусловят сложную повестку дня для нового президента России.