В работе рассказывается о нахождении и прочтении рукописи Марселя Наджари, члена еврейской Зондеркомманды в Аушвице.
This is a review on the book of David P. Fields, Foreign Friends. Syngman Rhee, American Exceptionalism, and the Division of Korea. 2019, University Press of Kentucky, 254 pages, ISBN 9780813177199
The article is devoted to the problem which is debated actively today, namely whether Greek poleis and the Roman Republic were early states or they represented a specific type of stateless societies. Some scholars suppose that even in the times of their flourishing these societies were stateless ones. I am of the opinion that this conclusion is wrong: and I believe thatAthens and the Roman Republic were early states. Therefore the present article is in many respects a direct discussion with the supporters of the idea of the stateless character of the ancient societies.
The problem as to whether Athens and the Roman Republic were early states is important in itself. However, the attempts to settle it inevitably result in a consideration of a wider problem of great importance: what polities in general can be considered as early states. In particular, is it also possible to regard as such the democratically organized societies?
Thus, in this contribution a specific aspect of the problem of multilinearity in sociopolitical evolution is examined. On the one hand, simultaneously with early states there coexisted complex non-state societies comparable to the states in size, population, other parameters and functions. Elsewhere I termed such polities the analogues of the early state(e.g., Grinin 2003c, 2004c; Bondarenko, Grinin, and Korotayev 2002). On the other hand, the diversity of sociopolitical evolution is expressed also in a tremendous variety of the early states proper among which the bureaucratic states represent just one of many types. The democratic early states without bureaucracy were early states of another type.
In this article I analyze Athens and the Roman Republic as examples of this very type.
The First Russian Revolution demonstrated that there was considerable interest in democracy in the Transbaikal, Amur, and Maritime Regions in 1905–1907, which was widely shared across the empire and in East Asia. Democracy was understood as economic welfare, social justice, civil liberties, popular representation, decentralization, and national self-determination. Like elsewhere in the empire, protests started with economic demands, but many trade and professional political unions, strike committees, and soviets developed political programs. In Vladivostok, unrests among soldiers and sailors erupted into major riots with numerous casualties in October 1905, despite the attempts of Military Doctor Mikhail Aleksandrovich Kudrzhinskii and other intellectuals to make the movement peaceful. In Blagoveshchensk, the Amur Cossack teacher Mikhail Nikitich Astaf’ev joined a group of intellectuals who attempted to turn the municipal duma into a provisional government. In Nikolsk-Ussuriysky, Doctor Nikolai Vasil’evich Kirilov presided over the founding congress of the Ussuri Peasant Union, which discussed the introduction of rural revolutionary self-government. In Chita, Social Democrats under Anton Antonovich Kostiushko-Voliuzhanich took over much of the Transbaikal Railway. Tsyben Zhamtsarano and other Buryat intellectuals assembled for congresses demanding indigenous self-government. The recognition of these territories as the Russian Far East had already begun, but the loosely united Transbaikal, Maritime, and Amur Regions remained part of Siberia or North Asia for contemporary observers. The unity of Siberia from the Urals to the Pacific was reinforced by Siberian Regionalism which attracted the support of regional liberals and moderate socialists and consolidated through joint activities of Siberian deputies.
The article deals with some specific technical forms of representation of royal and princely power in medieval Europe.
The article is focused on the early history of the main Passions' Relics; the Wood and Nails of the True Cross.
The article is devoted to the problem of reception of visual messages in the early XIXth Russia. The author explores the satirical images of enemy, national and civil heroes and the 1812 war to reveal the meaning of elite messages and perception it in the mass culture
В статье рассматриваются представления о мировой гармонии в творчестве двух мыслителей первой трети XIII в., работавших в Южной Италии: астролога и переводчика Михаила Скота и поэта, аббата монастыря св. Троицы на Гаргано Григория Святогорца.
В "Философских, историч. и проч. записках разного содержания", составленных Дидро для Екатерины II, философ, исходя из образовательных реформ, инициированных самой императрицей, настаивает на необходимости составления особого гражданского морального катехизиса для ее подданных. Он упоминает об этомтакже в нескольких письмах, адресованных Екатерине II и И.И. Бецкому в 1774 г., во время его второго пребывания в Гаааге. Документы, недавно обнаруженные в РГАДА, позволяют уточнить некоторые обстоятельства, связанные с этим проектом, и в то же время ставят новые вопросы о роли Дидро в разработке этого катехизиса.
В 1936 году в московском издательстве «Соцэкгиз» вышла книга под названием «Против фашистского мракобесия и демагогии» . С одной стороны, сама эта книга представляла собой продукт демагогии. Достаточно сказать, что в предисловии к ней агентами фашизма и просто фашистами названы Троцкий, Зиновьев и другие советские противники Сталина.
С другой стороны, внутри книги был дан последний в СССР развернутый анализ идеологии фашизма. Да, каждый абзац о сущности фашизма сопровождался пояснениями, что в Советском Союзе все иначе, что товарищи Ленин и Сталин — пролетарские гуманисты, в отличие от товарищей Гитлера и Муссолини, что Маркс — за народ, а Ницше и Зомбарт — за буржуазную личность, за империалистическую гиену. Но, несмотря на всю демагогию, А. Деборин, автор главной идеологической статьи в сборнике, не побоялся увидеть в итальянском фашизме, германском национал-социализме и сталинском социализме некоторые общие основополагающие признаки, которые тогда, в 1936 году, легко было противопоставить столь же основополагающим различиям.
The article focuses on the most famous Russian pre-modern autobiography The Life by protopope Avvakum (1621/22–1682) to discuss his wife Natas’ja Markovna as one of its essential characters. Being the leader of the movement against religious reform in the seventeenth century Russia, Avvakum composed his life story in accordance with hagiographical canon of the martyr to send a propaganda message to his followers. The figure of Natas’ja Markovna in his text also works for this aim. In accordance with women’s hagiographic canon she is portrayed as wife and mother completely subjected to her husband’s will and doomed to share all hardships of his life. Though Avvakum’s autobiography was widely read, this religious/social context was often understood as insignificant for understanding its meanings. The same is true for the figure of the protopopica, which was used by Russian scholars and writers of the twentieth century to establish a canon of the model wife.
В статье рассматриваются причины активного участия евреев в создании советского аппарата власти в период революции и Гражданской войны, в особенности место и роль сотрудников еврейского происхождения во Всероссийской чрезвычайной комиссии по борьбе с контрреволюцией, спекуляцией и саботажем (ВЧК) в 1917-1921 гг., их «качественный» и количественный состав, мотивы участия в работе этого карательного органа.
In this article the author considers only imagined gifts, those that never were presented in reality but nevertheless turned to be pivotal for many rulers, seeking to legitimize their audacious political ambitions. The best examples of such imagined gifts were those values and privileges that the popes allegedly received from Constantine the Great after his conversion to Christianity. The fictitious generosity of Constantine was invented in "his" famous detailed charter forged in the 8th or 9th century. But other imagined gifts, also possessing strong legitimizing effect, used to come into being in the same way, due to equally elaborated narratives. As the principality of Moscow was striving for regional dominance in the 15th and 16th centuries, a series of influential texts were composed, describing and explaining the gifts of extraordinary political and symbolic relevance, allegedly made either to ancestors of the ruling dynasty, or to predecessors of the highest church dignitaries. The most known among those writings are the anonymous Tale of the Nowgorodian white clow and the Tale of the princes of Vladimir, as well as the Epistle on the Monomachos Crown by Spiridon-Savva. These texts claimed that the secular potentates of Moscow, as well as ecclesiastical heads of Novgorod had been presented in the past with invaluable insignia, either symbolizing the succession to the Roman emperors, or testifying the special benevolence of God. As the author finally argues, the morphology of these imagined gifts was mainly the same as of those in the Donation of Constantine: no really new regalia were created, but the ones, already existing, were vested with quite new, and nobler, significance, able to ensure a higher level of legitimacy for their possessors. Therefore the ways, how such imagined gifts used to be invented, seem to be substantially identical throughout Europe.
Starting in 1827, Russia’s Jews were subject to general conscription. In the army, however, they were not welcome. Jews were considered unreliable and only limitedly combat worthy. With the start of the First World War, this prejudice became all the more evident. Numerous Jewish soldiers were executed as suspected saboteurs or spies. Many Jews nonetheless linked associated wartime deployment with hopes for an improvement in their social standing. However, the patriotic enthusiasm that had also embraced Jewish circles at the start of the war soon collapsed again. The officer’s career path and certain decorations continued to be denied to Jews, no matter how courageously they might have fought. This changed only after the October Revolution. During the Civil War, many leading positions in the Red Army were occupied by Jews who had been soldiers in the tsarist army.
В статье рассматривается современная российская историография в мировом контексте. Анализируются пути научного трансфера.