From the beginning of state-building in North Korea, its ideology has always been developed in line with the theory of Korean revolution. Initially, the conception of the Korean revolution was based on the main postulates of the Marxist-Leninist theory of revolution, implying its development changed from a bourgeois-democratic stage to a socialist one. Regarding North Korea, after its liberation from Japanese colonialism, this conception meant a gradual transition from anti-imperialism to the anti-feudal democratic revolution and then to the current socialist regime. For the implementation of the first stage of the Korean revolution in 1946, a series of laws were adopted, which provided a solid basis for socialist transformations in North Korea. Officially, the anti-feudal democratic revolution completed in 1947 with the establishment of the People's Committee of North Korea; however, this began a transitive period that lasted until 1957. Thus, until the present time, the idea of the Korean revolution has been an essential structure of political discourse and has determined the current tasks of nation-building. During the first and transitive stages of the Korean revolution, liquidation of socioeconomic and political inequality, including gender discrimination, was one of the main tasks of state-building. The liberation of women was understood in terms of the theory of class struggle and exploitation and implied granting women equal civil rights and freedom. Korean women were seen as a significant labor source, whose mobilization could significantly contribute to the establishment of socialism. The gender policy in 1945-1957 was mainly aimed at wakening the political conscience of women and their involvement in industrial production. Hence, the new sociopolitical regime and its policies influenced the transformation of traditional femininity and masculinity, which was primarily determined by the dominant neo-Confucian ideology. This study attempts to answer questions regarding how the theory of Korean revolution has impacted gender politics and to what extent North Korea could break with the traditional image of femininity.
The Kets, an ethnic group in the Yenisei River basin, Russia, are considered the last nomadic hunter-gatherers of Siberia, and Ket language has no transparent affiliation with any language family. We investigated connections between the Kets and Siberian and North American populations, with emphasis on the Mal’ta and Paleo-Eskimo ancient genomes, using original data from 46 unrelated samples of Kets and 42 samples of their neighboring ethnic groups (Uralic-speaking Nganasans, Enets, and Selkups). We genotyped over 130,000 autosomal SNPs, identified mitochondrial and Y-chromosomal haplogroups, and performed high-coverage genome sequencing of two Ket individuals. We established that Nganasans, Kets, Selkups, and Yukaghirs form a cluster of populations most closely related to Paleo-Eskimos in Siberia (not considering indigenous populations of Chukotka and Kamchatka). Kets are closely related to modern Selkups and to some Bronze and Iron Age populations of the Altai region, with all these groups sharing a high degree of Mal’ta ancestry. Implications of these findings for the linguistic hypothesis uniting Ket and Na-Dene languages into a language macrofamily are discussed.
The paper examines how the Roman Empire shaped political life in Germania in the first century A.D. It focuses primarily on the time span between Rome's subjugation of Germanic tribes on the both sides of the Rhine and the creation of provinces Germania Inferior and Germania Superior. Most attention is put on the likeliest scenarios leading to the growth of Roman or Roman-style institutions in Germania. Therefore, a creation of provincial administration, magistracies and military prefecture in the region are considered. An analysis of literary, epigraphic and archaeological sources shows that the process of political change in Germania implied neither uniformity nor synchronism and the ways to transform political life on the barbarian periphery were numerous. They varied from a complete assimilation of Germanic communities to no more than superficial political subjugation of neighboring client states.
Книга «Современная Россия» представляет собой сборник статей, которые соответствуют заявленной в названии теме. В отличие от многих сборников, она выглядит как широкий тематический проект, отражающий практически все сферы социальной жизни российского общества: политические процессы, международные отношения, экономику, гражданское общество, социальную и семейную политику, демографию, миграцию, национализм, городскую жизнь, спорт и культуру. Кроме того, в книге отражен исторический аспект тех явлений, которые обсуждаются авторами статей: представлены сюжеты из истории советского общества (процессы постепенной десталинизации, «оттепель», «застой» и перестройка), а также трансформации социальных структур и институтов советского общества и советской политической системы. Практически все статьи, касающиеся современной России, содержат исторический экскурс, позволяющий понять специфику анализируемых явлений. В целом они охватывают период, начинающийся со смерти Сталина и хрущевской «оттепели», вплоть до событий конца 2000-х годов. При этом основное внимание сконцентрировано на анализе социально-политических и культурных процессов постсоветского периода.
The article treats of the close relationship of Antonio Gramsci with such a complex event as the Russian Revolution of 1917 and its consequences. In addition to the ideological platform, he was associated with Soviet Russia through the Sisters Schucht, played an important role in his life. The author draws attention to the problem of insufficient knowledge of the circumstances of Gramsci's stay in the country, where in 1922-23 had been strengthening the Bolshevik regime, and as well as to the fact that many of his works should be translated into Russian language.
The article suggests that the Great Divergence of the 19th century between “the West” and “the East” was preceded by the Great Divergence in the 18th century between the Global North and the Global South. This may be attributed to a new, much higher level of state efficiency in the Global North. The eastern and western regions of the Global North frequently used different methods to make their state apparatuses more efficient, but achieved strikingly similar results during the 18th century. The Great Divergence of the 19th century, remarkably, occurred within the Global North.
В статье рассмотрена динамика численности профессорско-преподавательского состава Дерптского университета с начала XIX в. по 1884 г. сравнительно с таковой в Казанском и Петербургском университетах. Показано, что снижение темпов роста Дерптского университета привело к 1880-м годам к заметному отставанию от остальных университетов, причем отставание становится заметно еще до «русификации» Дерптского университета во второй половине 1880-х годов. Анализ динамики штатной и фактической численности позволяет высказать предположение о том, что на снижение темпов роста влияли как внешние (политика министерства, связанная с ограничением штатной численности), так и внутренние факторы (статус приват-доцентов). В то время как в Казанском и Санкт-Петербургском университетах с 1860-х годов заметен стремительный рост численности приват-доцентов, в Дерпте (несмотря на то, что приват-доценты появляются там гораздо раньше, уже в 1805 г.) они так и не смогли составить ни большинства, ни даже сколько-нибудь заметной части профессорско-преподавательского корпуса. Библиогр. 47 назв.
This article deals with the Sino–Soviet conflict of 1925–26 over the Chinese EasternRailway,with special attention given to its background and consequences. In 1924, the Chinese Eastern Railway became a joint venture between the Soviet Union and China, creating fresh friction between the joint Soviet and Chinese managers which culminated in general manager A.N. Ivanov’s prohibition on transporting military cargoes and troops, and Ivanov’s arrest by Manchurian warlord-general Zhang Zuolin. Some scholars and diplomatists have viewed Ivanov’s prohibition and the simultaneous rebellion by Chinese general Guo Songling against Zhang as a Soviet attempt to replace Zhang with a more manageable warlord. But this article argues that although the prohibition—a typical instance of back-and-forth Soviet diplomacy—was a coincidence, it was primarily the result of Soviet ambassador LevM.Karakhan’s tough stance and his rash decision-making, undertaken without seeking advice from Moscow. Zhang’s victory in the 1926 clash convinced the Chinese that they had the power to take repressive measures against the Soviet Union’s citizens and institutions, which led to the Sino–Soviet conflict of 1929 and exacerbated Japanese alarm over the Soviet’s increasing strength in the region. This was to be a factor in the takeover of Manchuria in 1931 by Japan’s Guandong Army, which eventually led to global war.
The paper analyses the radical transformations that took place in the theoretical foundations, methodology and conceptual models of historical science at the border of the XX - XXI centuries. The changes in research strategies of recent historiography are considered as an outcome of the fruitful interaction of different disciplines in the common space of social sciences and humanities. The author estimates the cognitive potential of new theoretical models aiming to restore the integrity of historical vision of the past.