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Найдено 188 публикаций
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Статья
Karaganov S. A. Russia in Global Affairs. 2016. Vol. 14. No. 1. P. 8-21.
Добавлено: 5 декабря 2018
Статья
Караганов С. А. Россия в глобальной политике. 2017. Т. 15. № 1. С. 46-57.

Российскую внешнюю политику направляют консервативные реалисты, противодействуя реакционерам, тянущим назад в двухполярную конфронтацию, и либеральным радикалам, которые хотели обогнать историю и навязать народам казавшиеся прогрессивными (и им выгодные) порядки.

Добавлено: 5 декабря 2018
Статья
Makarov I. A. Russia in Global Affairs. 2018. Vol. 16. No. 3. P. 110-129.
Добавлено: 28 марта 2019
Статья
Safranchuk I. Russia in Global Affairs. 2012. Vol. 10. No. 3. P. 154-160.
Although Moscow has no reasons to be proactive in Afghan affairs, it will probably need to step up its efforts. Ultimately, the Afghans should be given the opportunity to build up a steady balance of forces at home, and then use these forces as a basis for political compromise.
Добавлено: 13 августа 2017
Статья
Lukyanov G., Мамедов Р. Ш. Russia in Global Affairs. 2017. Vol. 15. No. 2. P. 164-173.
Добавлено: 31 октября 2018
Статья
Filippov A. F. Russia in Global Affairs. 2016. Vol. 14. No. 3.
Внешняя для государств международная легитимность – это, с одной стороны, ресурс для самоутверждения в мировом обществе, а с другой, – ресурс для тех, кто хочет поставить государство под сомнение.
Добавлено: 10 марта 2017
Статья
Ageeva V. Russia in Global Affairs. 2017. No. 2. P. 105-114.

Russia’s soft power should develop a broad and long-term narrative, capable of giving constructive answers to challenges facing Russian and Western societies. Berdyaev’s model of liberal conservatism can serve as the basis for an alternative discourse

Добавлено: 5 октября 2018
Статья
Kashin V. Russia in Global Affairs. 2016. Vol. 14. No. 2. P. 197-205.
Добавлено: 27 января 2017
Статья
Lukyanov F. Russia in Global Affairs. 2019. Vol. 17. No. 3. P. 5-6.

Те, кто привык думать о внешней политике и дипломатии как о какой-то церемониальной деятельности, должны забыть о переговорах, которые имели место на Венском конгрессе и в Хельсинки. Время интеллектуальных баталий между ответственными специалистами за закрытыми дверями прошло. Теперь все выставлено на всеобщее обозрение.

Добавлено: 30 октября 2019
Статья
Suslov D. Russia in Global Affairs. 2014. Vol. 12. No. 4. P. 20-32.
Добавлено: 20 февраля 2015
Статья
Prokopchuk E. Russia in Global Affairs. 2019. No. Special issue. P. 88-99.
Добавлено: 13 сентября 2019
Статья
Romanova T. A. Russia in Global Affairs. 2014. No. 3.
Добавлено: 24 декабря 2014
Статья
Alexander Solovyov. Russia in Global Affairs. 2018. Vol. 15. No. 4. P. 102-116.
Добавлено: 2 ноября 2018
Статья
Larionova M. V. Russia in Global Affairs. 2007. No. 2.

Over 32 years of its history, the G7/G8 has expanded both its agenda and institutional system, and is now appreciated as an instrument of deliberation, direction-giving and decision-making on global governance issues. It has also become a subject for criticism and reform proposals. The critique mainly focuses on the forum’s representativeness, legitimacy and effectiveness.

There may be three points of departure for reflection on the G8 commitments compliance.

First, when the forum arose in the mid-1970s to respond in a coordinated way to the problems and challenges that the existing international institutions could not cope with, its architects set a very high level of expectations on the meetings’ outcome: they should treat crucial economic, financial and political issues, and they should yield results.

Second, St. Petersburg produced 14 summit documents plus the Chair’s summary totaling 317 specific commitments. Although it has confirmed the tendency for increasing the number of commitments characteristic of the seventh series, this is the highest number of any summit held since 1975. Of these, 216 commitments reflect decisions on the Presidency priority issues: 52 relate to fight against infectious diseases; 114 to global energy security; and 50 to education for innovative society in the 21st century. However impressive this may seem, as Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said, “the viability of the decisions hinges on the members’ commitment to their consistent implementation within the systemic strategy of joint actions. Serious and multifaceted work on the St. Petersburg commitments implementation lies ahead, including the period of the German presidency of the G8.” Thus, a weighted assessment of the summit performance and the leaders’ commitment to the decisions made is still to come, inter alia on the basis of compliance study results.

Third, over 32 years of its history, the G7/G8 has expanded both its agenda and institutional system, and is now appreciated as an instrument of deliberation, direction-giving and decision-making on global governance issues. It has also become a subject for criticism and reform proposals. The reform proposals are well known and range from expanding the institution to G10 and G12, restructuring the G20 into L20, restructuring the G8 into G4, abolishing the G8, etc. The critique mainly focuses on the forum’s representativeness, legitimacy and effectiveness.

While it is difficult to argue against proposals to expand the G8 to include China and India, or the rationale for coexistence of the G8 and the L20, it is worthwhile considering what data and instruments of evaluation are available to support, inform or refute the perception of the G8’s shortcomings. It is also useful to analyze what these tools offer for monitoring, comparing and sharing, but, moreover, for communicating the G8 performance results to the wider public.

Добавлено: 15 января 2014
Статья
Filippov A. F. Russia in Global Affairs. 2015. P. 86-95.
Добавлено: 3 марта 2016
Статья
Pain E. A. Russia in Global Affairs. 2013. Vol. 11. No. 2. P. 193-205.

Ethnic nationalism cannot be a strategic ally of the forces interested in Russia’s modernization. Realizing the impossibility of a purely elitist modernization, these forces will inevitably need mass support and national consolidation. Consequently, they will need nationalism, although of a different strain - the civic one.

Добавлено: 28 октября 2015
Статья
Lukyanov F. Russia in Global Affairs. 2019. Vol. 17. No. 2. P. 5-6.

Мировой политический сезон 2018-2019 завершился в атмосфере какого-то обреченного безумия, с трагедиями, превращающимися в фарс в соответствии с банальным афоризмом Гегеля. Но атмосфера фарса заставляет всех опасаться, что ситуация может выйти из-под контроля по самым тривиальным причинам.

Добавлено: 30 октября 2019
Статья
Skriba A. Russia in Global Affairs. 2015. Vol. 13. No. 2. P. 150-163.

Society is ready for new national interests to appear that will pave the way for effective and long-term policies “for all.” Now the situation hinges on those who will formulate them correctly.

Добавлено: 3 октября 2015
Статья
Grigoryev L. M., Kurdin A. Russia in Global Affairs. 2013. No. 4.
Добавлено: 19 марта 2014
Статья
Fyodor Lukyanov. Russia in Global Affairs. 2009. No. 3.
Добавлено: 16 сентября 2015